總統(tǒng)演講稿英文(15篇)

第1篇 美國(guó)前總統(tǒng)宣布美國(guó)與古巴恢復(fù)外交關(guān)系英語(yǔ)演講稿

good morning, everybody. please have a seat.

more than 54 years ago, at the height of the cold war, the united states closed its embassy inhavana. today, i can announce that the united states has agreed to formally re-establishdiplomatic relations with the republic of cuba, and re-open embassies in our respectivecountries. this is a historic step forward in our efforts to normalize relations with the cubangovernment and people, and begin a new chapter with our neighbors in the americas.

when the united states shuttered our embassy in 1961, i don't think anyone e_pected that itwould be more than half a century before it re-opened. after all, our nations are separated byonly 90 miles, and there are deep bonds of family and friendship between our people. but therehave been very real, profound differences between our governments, and sometimes we allowourselves to be trapped by a certain way of doing things.

for the united states, that meant clinging to a policy that was not working. instead ofsupporting democracy and opportunity for the cuban people, our efforts to isolate cubadespite good intentions increasingly had the opposite effect – cementing the status quo andisolating the united states from our neighbors in this hemisphere. the progress that we marktoday is yet another demonstration that we don't have to be imprisoned by the past. whensomething isn't working, we can – and will – change.

last december, i announced that the united states and cuba had decided to take steps tonormalize our relationship. as part of that effort, president raul castro and i directed our teamsto negotiate the re-establishment of embassies. since then, our state department has workedhard with their cuban counterparts to achieve that goal. and later this summer, secretarykerry will travel to havana formally to proudly raise the american flag over our embassy oncemore.

this is not merely symbolic. with this change, we will be able to substantially increase ourcontacts with the cuban people. we'll have more personnel at our embassy. and our diplomatswill have the ability to engage more broadly across the island. that will include the cubangovernment, civil society, and ordinary cubans who are reaching for a better life.

on issues of common interest – like counterterrorism, disaster response, and development –we will find new ways to cooperate with cuba. and i've been clear that we will also continue tohave some very serious differences. that will include america's enduring support for universalvalues, like freedom of speech and assembly, and the ability to access information. and we willnot hesitate to speak out when we see actions that contradict those values.

however, i strongly believe that the best way for america to support our values is throughengagement. that's why we've already taken steps to allow for greater travel, people-to-peopleand commercial ties between the united states and cuba. and we will continue to do so goingforward.

since december, we've already seen enormous enthusiasm for this new approach. leadersacross the americas have e_pressed support for our change in policy; you heard thate_pressed by president dilma rousseff of brazil yesterday. public opinion surveys in both ourcountries show broad support for this engagement. one cuban said, 'i have prepared for thisall my life.' another said that that, 'this is like a shot of o_ygen.' one cuban teacher put itsimply: 'we are neighbors. now we can be friends.'

here in the united states, we've seen that same enthusiasm. there are americans who wantto travel to cuba and american businesses who want to invest in cuba. american colleges anduniversities that want to partner with cuba. above all, americans who want to get to knowtheir neighbors to the south. and through that engagement, we can also help the cubanpeople improve their own lives. one cuban american looked forward to 'reuniting families andopening lines of communications.' another put it bluntly: 'you can't hold the future of cubahostage to what happened in the past.'

and that's what this is about: a choice between the future and the past.

americans and cubans alike are ready to move forward. i believe it's time for congress to dothe same. i've called on congress to take steps to lift the embargo that prevents americansfrom travelling or doing business in cuba. we've already seen members from both parties beginthat work. after all, why should washington stand in the way of our own people?

yes, there are those who want to turn back the clock and double down on a policy of isolation.but it's long past time for us to realize that this approach doesn't work. it hasn't worked for 50years. it shuts america out of cuba's future, and it only makes life worse for the cuban people.

so i'd ask congress to listen to the cuban people. listen to the american people. listen to thewords of a proud cuban american, carlos gutierrez, who recently came out against the policy ofthe past, saying, 'i wonder if the cubans who have to stand in line for the most basicnecessities for hours in the hot havana sun feel that this approach is helpful to them.'

of course, nobody e_pects cuba to be transformed overnight. but i believe that americanengagement – through our embassy, our businesses, and most of all, through our people – isthe best way to advance our interests and support for democracy and human rights. time andagain, america has demonstrated that part of our leadership in the world is our capacity tochange. it's what inspires the world to reach for something better.

a year ago, it might have seemed impossible that the united states would once again beraising our flag, the stars and stripes, over an embassy in havana. this is what change lookslike.

in january of 1961, the year i was born, when president eisenhower announced thetermination of our relations with cuba, he said: it is my hope and my conviction that it is 'inthe not-too-distant future it will be possible for the historic friendship between us once again tofind its reflection in normal relations of every sort.' well, it took a while, but i believe thattime has come. and a better future lies ahead.

thank you very much. and i want to thank some of my team who worked diligently to makethis happen. they're here. they don't always get acknowledged. we're really proud of them.good work.

第2篇 美國(guó)前總統(tǒng)布什的演講稿

fellow citizens: for eight years, it has been my honor to serve as your president. the first decade of this new century has been a period of consequence - a time set apart. tonight, with a thankful heart, i have asked for a final opportunity to share some thoughts on the journey we have traveled together and the future of our nation.

八年的總統(tǒng)生涯，是美國(guó)人民賦予我的榮耀！21世紀(jì)的前10年是一個(gè)并不尋常的時(shí)期。今晚，我?guī)е活w感恩的心來到這里，并且我希望你們能給我最后一次機(jī)會(huì)，因?yàn)槲蚁牒湍銈兎窒砦覍?duì)過去八總統(tǒng)生涯的想法，以及我對(duì)國(guó)家未來的展望。

five days from now, the world will witness the vitality of american democracy. in a tradition dating back to our founding, the presidency will pass to a successor chosen by you, the american people. standing on the steps of the capitol will be a man whose story reflects the enduring promise of our land. this is a moment of hope and pride for our whole nation. and i join all americans in offering best wishes to president-elect obama, his wife michelle, and their two beautiful girls.

5 天以后，全世界就將會(huì)看到美國(guó)民主的活力。我即將把我的工作交由你們心目中的理想總統(tǒng)，奧巴馬！能夠接受全美人民崇敬的人，必須能夠?yàn)槟銈?，為這片土地帶來希望。對(duì)于我們的國(guó)家來說，這是一個(gè)充滿希望和自豪的時(shí)刻。并且，我渴望與美國(guó)人民一道為奧巴馬，他的妻子和兩個(gè)漂亮的女兒送去美好的祝愿。

tonight i am filled with gratitude - to vice president cheney and members of the administration; to laura, who brought joy to this house and love to my life; to our wonderful daughters, barbara and jenna; to my parents, whose e_amples have provided strength for a lifetime. and above all, i thank the american people for the trust you have given me. i thank you for the prayers that have lifted my spirits. and i thank you for the countless acts of courage, generosity, and grace that i have witnessed these past eight years.

今 天，我滿懷感激之情，感謝我的副總統(tǒng)切尼以及我所有的政府成員。我還要感謝我的妻子勞拉和我的女兒芭芭拉，詹娜，是她們給我的生活帶來了無(wú)盡的快樂和愛意。我感謝我的父母，是他們給予了我前進(jìn)的動(dòng)力。最重要的是，我感謝美國(guó)人民給予我的信任，我感謝你們給予我的勇氣、寬容。

今 晚，我的思緒回到了2001年的9月11日。當(dāng)天早晨，恐怖分子帶走了近3000人的生命。自珍珠港事件后，恐怖分子制造了美國(guó)歷史上最嚴(yán)重的一次恐怖襲擊。我想起了3天后我站在世貿(mào)中心廢墟前的情景，那時(shí)，我誠(chéng)摯地與那些夜以繼日搶救傷者的救援工人們交談，他們不顧自己的危險(xiǎn)，在濃煙滾滾的五角大樓的走廊里抓緊工作。同時(shí)，我也為不幸遇難的人感到痛心，他們是我們的英雄！我想起了阿琳-霍華德，他當(dāng)時(shí)把他死去兒子的警察盾牌交給了我，以表達(dá)對(duì)逝者的思念之情。而現(xiàn)在，我仍然珍藏著他的徽章。

as the years passed, most americans were able to return to life much as it had been before nine-eleven. but i never did. every morning, i received a briefing on the threats to our nation. and i vowed to do everything in my power to keep us safe.

隨著時(shí)間的推移，大部分的美國(guó)人民能夠從悲痛中解脫出來，并重歸“9.11”之前正常的生活。然而，我還沒有解脫。每天清晨，我都會(huì)收到簡(jiǎn)報(bào)，獲知是什么還在威脅著我們國(guó)家的安全，并且我發(fā)誓一定會(huì)竭盡全力來維護(hù)你們的安全。

over the past seven years, a new department of homeland security has been created. the military, the intelligence community, and the fbi have been transformed. our nation is equipped with new tools to monitor the terrorists' movements, freeze their finances, and break up their plots. and with strong allies at our side, we have taken the fight to the terrorists and those who support them. afghanistan has gone from a nation where the taliban harbored al qaeda and stoned women in the streets to a young democracy that is fighting terror and encouraging girls to go to school. iraq has gone from a brutal dictatorship and a sworn enemy of america to an arab democracy at the heart of the middle east and a friend of the united states.

在 過去的7年中，我們成立了新的國(guó)土安全部。我們的軍隊(duì)，軍事情報(bào)部門，以及fbi都進(jìn)行了改革。為了監(jiān)視恐怖分子的行動(dòng)，我們已經(jīng)做了充分的準(zhǔn)備，我們凍 結(jié)了恐怖分子的賬戶，并屢屢打破了他們的圖謀。我們身邊也有強(qiáng)大的同盟國(guó)，并且我們攜起手來共同打擊恐怖分子以及那些支持恐怖分子的人。在我們的幫助下，阿富汗已經(jīng)由恐怖主義的天堂轉(zhuǎn)變成了一個(gè)尚未成熟的民主國(guó)家，那里的人們正和恐怖主義戰(zhàn)斗。此外，女孩子上學(xué)也得到了應(yīng)有的尊重。伊拉克也已經(jīng)擺脫了薩達(dá) 姆的殘酷統(tǒng)治，并且其不再是美國(guó)人民的敵人。相反，伊拉克已經(jīng)成為了中東地區(qū)阿拉伯民主的核心和美國(guó)的朋友。

there is legitimate debate about many of these decisions. but there can be little debate about the results. america has gone more than seven years without another terrorist attack on our soil. this is a tribute to those who toil day and night to keep us safe - law enforcement officers, intelligence analysts, homeland security and diplomatic personnel, and the men and women of the united states armed forces.

針對(duì)我的許多決策，有人對(duì)其合法性表示出懷疑。但是，當(dāng)我們看到結(jié)果時(shí)這些人就不會(huì)再發(fā)出疑問了。在過去的七年多來，美國(guó)本土再也沒有遭受過恐怖襲擊。這要?dú)w功于那些日夜辛勞保護(hù)我們安全的人們：執(zhí)法人員、情報(bào)分析員、國(guó)土安全人員、外交人員、以及美軍的士兵們。

our nation is blessed to have citizens who volunteer to defend us in this time of danger. i have cherished meeting these selfless patriots and their families. america owes you a debt of gratitude. and to all our men and women in uniform listening tonight: there has been no higher honor than serving as your commander in chief.

受上帝的恩典，美國(guó)有這些愿意在國(guó)家危難之際挺身保護(hù)他人的公民。我非常珍惜美國(guó)可以擁有這些無(wú)私的愛國(guó)者及其家庭。美國(guó)感激你們。對(duì)于那些正在收聽的演講的美軍士兵們來說，沒有什么榮譽(yù)要比讓你當(dāng)上總司令還要崇高。

the battles waged by our troops are part of a broader struggle between two dramatically different systems. under one, a small band of fanatics demands total obedience to an oppressive ideology, condemns women to subservience, and marks unbelievers for murder. the other system is based on the conviction that freedom is the universal gift of almighty god and that liberty and justice light the path to peace.

美 軍正在從事的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)從屬于兩種系統(tǒng)之間的沖突，而這兩種系統(tǒng)又有天壤之別。在其中的一種系統(tǒng)中，一小撮狂熱分子要求所有人都服從于他們所制定的暴虐的意識(shí)形態(tài)，這些人讓婦女屈從，而對(duì)那些不相信他們暴政的人進(jìn)行謀殺。而另一種系統(tǒng)則相信自由是上帝給予全世界的禮物，自由與正義是通往和平的道路。

this is the belief that gave birth to our nation. and in the long run, advancing this belief is the only practical way to protect our citizens. when people live in freedom, they do not willingly choose leaders who pursue campaigns of terror. when people have hope in the future, they will not cede their lives to violence and e_tremism. so around the world, america is promoting human liberty, human rights, and human dignity. we are standing with dissidents and young democracies, providing aids medicine to bring dying patients back to life, and sparing mothers and babies from malaria. and this great republic born alone in liberty is leading the world toward a new age when freedom belongs to all nations.

美 國(guó)，正是基于這樣的信念誕生的。從長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)來看，推廣這種理念是保護(hù)我們公民的唯一選擇。當(dāng)人們生活在自由之中時(shí)，他們就不愿再去選擇那些追求恐怖活動(dòng)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者。當(dāng)人們對(duì)未來懷有希望時(shí)，他們就不會(huì)將自己的生命交給暴力和極端主義。環(huán)視全球，美國(guó)正在推動(dòng)人類自由、人權(quán)及人的尊嚴(yán)的發(fā)展。我們同持有不同政見者 以及年輕的民主國(guó)家同在，我們?yōu)橥炀壬峁┲委煱滩〉乃幬铮覀儽苊饽赣H和自己的孩子染上瘧疾。自由是美國(guó)成立的唯一基石，并且領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界向一個(gè)自由普照全球的時(shí)代發(fā)展。

for eight years, we have also strived to e_pand opportunity and hope here at home. across our country, students are rising to meet higher standards in public schools. a new medicare prescription drug benefit is bringing peace of mind to seniors and the disabled. every ta_payer pays lower income ta_es. the addicted and suffering are finding new hope through faith-based programs. vulnerable human life is better protected. funding for our veterans has nearly doubled. america's air, water, and lands are measurably cleaner. and the federal bench includes wise new members like justice sam alito and chief justice john roberts.

過 去的八年，我們努力擴(kuò)大美國(guó)人民所擁有的機(jī)會(huì)與希望。在美國(guó)，學(xué)生不斷上進(jìn)，以求符合公立學(xué)校更高的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。對(duì)于老人和殘疾人來說，一種新的醫(yī)療處方藥福利令他們頗感舒心。每個(gè)納稅人繳納了更少的稅款。通過以信仰為基礎(chǔ)的治療項(xiàng)目，那些癮君子和痛苦的人們找到了新希望。過去八年來的工作更好地保護(hù)了人脆弱的 生命。對(duì)于退伍老兵的補(bǔ)助幾乎增加了一倍。美國(guó)的一山一水都真切地變得更為干凈。睿智的山姆-阿力拓、首席法官約翰-羅伯茨加入到聯(lián)邦法院中。

when challenges to our prosperity emerged, we rose to meet them. facing the prospect of a financial collapse, we took decisive measures to safeguard our economy. these are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted. all americans are in this together. and together, with determination and hard work, we will restore our economy to the path of growth. we will show the world once again the resilience of america's free enterprise system.

當(dāng) 美國(guó)的繁榮遇到挑戰(zhàn)時(shí)，我們勇敢地去面對(duì)。當(dāng)金融危機(jī)發(fā)生時(shí)，我們采取果斷措施來保護(hù)我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)。對(duì)于那些辛勤工作的家庭來說，這些都是十分艱難的時(shí)期。但是如果我們不采取行動(dòng)的話，結(jié)果將會(huì)更為糟糕。所有的美國(guó)人都站在了一起。憑借著我們的決心和辛勤工作，我們將美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)重新拉回到增長(zhǎng)的車道上。我們將 向世界再次展現(xiàn)美國(guó)自由企業(yè)制度的復(fù)興。

like all who have held this office before me, i have e_perienced setbacks. there are things i would do differently if given the chance. yet i have always acted with the best interests of our country in mind. i have followed my conscience and done what i thought was right. you may not agree with some tough decisions i have made. but i hope you can agree that i was willing to make the tough decisions.

正如所有前任總統(tǒng)一樣，我也曾經(jīng)歷過挫折。如果可能的話，我會(huì)采取不一樣的方式來應(yīng)對(duì)這些措施。但是，我總是為國(guó)家利益的最大化來行動(dòng)。你也許會(huì)不同意我所做出的一些決定，但我希望你能理解我是愿意采取這些措施的。

the decades ahead will bring more hard choices for our country, and there are some guiding principles that should shape our course.

未來的幾十年，美國(guó)將面對(duì)更多的艱難抉擇，而有一些指導(dǎo)性原則可以塑造我們的道路。

while our nation is safer than it was seven years ago, the gravest threat to our people remains another terrorist attack. our enemies are patient and determined to strike again. america did nothing to seek or deserve this conflict. but we have been given solemn responsibilities, and we must meet them. we must resist complacency. we must keep our resolve. and we must never let down our guard.

盡管我們的國(guó)家要比7年前更為安全，但目前美國(guó)最嚴(yán)峻的威脅仍然是另一場(chǎng)恐怖襲擊。我們的敵人十分耐心，并且決心要再次發(fā)動(dòng)襲擊。美國(guó)沒有故意挑起沖突。但是我們肩負(fù)著莊嚴(yán)的責(zé)任，必須同恐怖主義作斗爭(zhēng)。我們不能驕傲自滿，我們要堅(jiān)定決心，我們絕不能放松警惕。

at the same time, we must continue to engage the world with confidence and clear purpose. in the face of threats from abroad, it can be tempting to seek comfort by turning inward. but we must reject isolationism and its companion, protectionism. retreating behind our borders would only invite danger. in the 21st century, security and prosperity at home depend on the e_pansion of liberty abroad. if america does not lead the cause of freedom, that cause will not be led.

與 此同時(shí)，我們必須帶著信心和清晰的目標(biāo)參與世界事務(wù)。面對(duì)來自海外的威脅，在國(guó)內(nèi)尋求安慰是一種誘人的舉措。但是我們必須拒絕孤立主義與保護(hù)主義。退縮只會(huì)找來危險(xiǎn)。在21世紀(jì)，國(guó)內(nèi)的安全和繁榮需要依靠國(guó)外自由的擴(kuò)展。如果美國(guó)不領(lǐng)導(dǎo)自由事業(yè)，那么自由事業(yè)就將無(wú)所適從。

as we address these challenges - and others we cannot foresee tonight - america must maintain our moral clarity. i have often spoken to you about good and evil. this has made some uncomfortable. but good and evil are present in this world, and between the two there can be no compromise. murdering the innocent to advance an ideology is wrong every time, everywhere. freeing people from oppression and despair is eternally right. this nation must continue to speak out for justice and truth. we must always be willing to act in their defense and to advance the cause of peace.

一方面我們?cè)谔幚磉@些眼前和未來的挑戰(zhàn)，另一方面美國(guó)必須保持自己在道義上的明確性。我經(jīng)常談及 善惡?jiǎn)栴}，這令一些人頗感不適。但是目前這個(gè)世界確實(shí)存在著善惡雙方，而且雙方之間無(wú)法達(dá)成妥協(xié)。通過謀殺無(wú)辜來宣揚(yáng)某種意識(shí)形態(tài)無(wú)論在何時(shí)何地都是錯(cuò)誤的。將人們從壓迫與絕望中解救出來是永遠(yuǎn)正確的。美國(guó)必須堅(jiān)持為正義與真理而呼喊，我們必須保護(hù)正義與真理，并且推動(dòng)和平事業(yè)的發(fā)展。

president thomas jefferson once wrote, 'i like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past.' as i leave the house he occupied two centuries ago, i share that optimism. america is a young country, full of vitality, constantly growing and renewing itself. and even in the toughest times, we lift our eyes to the broad horizon ahead.

托馬斯-杰斐遜曾寫到：“相比于過去的歷史，我更喜歡未來的夢(mèng)想?！彪S著我馬上要離開白宮，我贊同杰斐遜這樣的樂觀精神。美國(guó)是一個(gè)年輕的國(guó)家，充滿了活力，不斷發(fā)展與更新。即便在最艱難的時(shí)候，美國(guó)仍然沒有放棄對(duì)未來的夢(mèng)想。

i have confidence in the promise of america because i know the character of our people. this is a nation that inspires immigrants to risk everything for the dream of freedom. this is a nation where citizens show calm in times of danger and compassion in the face of suffering. we see e_amples of america's character all around us. and laura and i have invited some of them to join us in the white house this evening.

我 了解我們民族的特質(zhì)，因此我也相信美國(guó)的明天會(huì)更美好。這是一個(gè)鼓勵(lì)移民們?yōu)樽杂傻膲?mèng)想而去嘗試一切事情的國(guó)家，這是一個(gè)在面對(duì)危險(xiǎn)使仍然鎮(zhèn)定的國(guó)家，這是一個(gè)面對(duì)苦難仍抱有同情心的國(guó)家。我們?cè)谏磉叺拿恳粋€(gè)人身上都可以看到美國(guó)的特征。今晚，受我和夫人勞拉的邀請(qǐng)，一切代表也來到了白宮。

we see america's character in dr. tony recasner, a principal who opened a new charter school from the ruins of hurricane katrina. we see it in julio medina, a former inmate who leads a faith-based program to help prisoners returning to society. we see it in staff sergeant aubrey mcdade, who charged into an ambush in iraq and rescued three of his fellow marines.

我們看到里卡斯鈉博士的美國(guó)特質(zhì)，這位校長(zhǎng)在卡特里娜颶風(fēng)的廢墟中開辦一所新的特許學(xué)校。我們看到麥地那身上的美 國(guó)特質(zhì)，這位前囚犯帶領(lǐng)一個(gè)以信仰為基礎(chǔ)的項(xiàng)目，幫助囚犯重回社會(huì)。我們?cè)谏鲜葵溸_(dá)德身上的美國(guó)特質(zhì)，他負(fù)責(zé)伊拉克的一次埋伏并拯救了三名同伴的海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊(duì)隊(duì)員。

we see america's character in bill krissoff, a surgeon from california. his son nathan, a marine, gave his life in iraq. when i met dr. krissoff and his family, he delivered some surprising news: he told me he wanted to join the navy medical corps in honor of his son. this good man was 60 years old – 18 years above the age limit. but his petition for a waiver was granted, and for the past year he has trained in battlefield medicine. lieutenant commander krissoff could not be here tonight, because he will soon deploy to iraq, where he will help save america's wounded warriors and uphold the legacy of his fallen son.

我 在外科醫(yī)生克里索夫身上看到了美國(guó)人民的偉大個(gè)性?？死锼鞣虻膬鹤?，一名海軍，在伊拉克光榮地獻(xiàn)出了自己的生命。當(dāng)我見到克里索夫和他家人的時(shí)候，他告訴了我一個(gè)驚人的消息：他告訴我，為了緬懷兒子，他希望加入美國(guó)海軍醫(yī)療團(tuán)。克里索夫已經(jīng)60歲了，超過了年齡限制，但是他的申請(qǐng)得到了批準(zhǔn)。在過去的一年中，克里索夫接受了良好的訓(xùn)練，但已經(jīng)榮升少校的他今晚不能來到這里，他很快就會(huì)前往伊拉克，在那里他可以救助我們受傷的勇士并繼續(xù)他兒子為完成的事業(yè)。

in citizens like these, we see the best of our country – resilient and hopeful, caring and strong. these virtues give me an unshakable faith in america. we have faced danger and trial, and there is more ahead. but with the courage of our people and confidence in our ideals, this great nation will never tire … never falter … and never fail.

同時(shí)，從美國(guó)公民身上，我看到了我們國(guó)家優(yōu)秀的一面-我們的國(guó)家充滿關(guān)懷和希望，這樣的優(yōu)點(diǎn)令我對(duì)國(guó)家有著堅(jiān)貞的信念。我們面臨著危險(xiǎn)和審判，而且在未來我們?nèi)詫⑿枰獞?yīng)對(duì)更多的挑戰(zhàn)。然而，依靠你們的勇氣和信心，偉大的美國(guó)永遠(yuǎn)會(huì)穩(wěn)如磐石，從來不會(huì)走向沒落。

it has been the privilege of a lifetime to serve as your president. there have been good days and tough days. but every day i have been inspired by the greatness of our country and uplifted by the goodness of our people. i have been blessed to represent this nation we love. and i will always be honored to carry a title that means more to me than any other: citizen of the united states of america.

對(duì)我來說，能夠擔(dān)任你們的總統(tǒng)，是我一生的榮耀。我有過歡樂也有過困苦。但是，每天我都會(huì)受到偉大祖國(guó)的鼓舞，并且我也一直在為我們的國(guó)家祈禱。在以后的時(shí)光里，我會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)珍視這樣一段話：美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的公民。

and so, my fellow americans, for the final time: good night. may god bless this house and our ne_t president. and may god bless you and our wonderful country.

我親愛的同胞們，我的演說就到這里了，晚安！愿上帝保佑奧巴馬！愿上帝保佑你和我們美好的國(guó)家！

第3篇 布什在耶魯大學(xué)英語(yǔ)演講稿：人人都可能當(dāng)總統(tǒng)

everyone can be a president

人人都能成為總統(tǒng)——美國(guó)第43任總統(tǒng)喬治·布什在耶魯大學(xué)的演講(中英文)

to those of you who received honors, awards, and distinctions, i say, well done. and to the c students—i say, you, too, can be president of the united states. 對(duì)于那些表現(xiàn)杰出、獲得各種獎(jiǎng)項(xiàng)和榮譽(yù)的同學(xué)，我要說，你們真棒!對(duì)于那些c等生，我要說，你們將來也可以當(dāng)美國(guó)總統(tǒng)!

remarks by the president in commencement address yale university new haven, connecticut listen to the president's remarks

the president: president levin, thank you very much. dean brodhead, fellows of the yale corporation, fellow yale parents, families, and graduates: it's a special privilege to receive this honorary degree. i was proud 33 years ago to receive my first yale degree. i'm even prouder that in your eyes i've earned this one.

i congratulate my fellow honorees. i'm pleased to share this honor with such a distinguished group. i'm particularly pleased to be here with my friend, the former of me_ico. senor presidente, usted es un verdadero lider, y un gran amigo. (applause.)

i congratulate all the parents who are here. it's a glorious day when your child graduates from college. it's a great day for you; it's a great day for your wallet. (laughter.)

most important, congratulations to the class of 2022. (applause.) to those of you who received honors, awards, and distinctions, i say, well done. and to the c students -- (applause) -- i say, you, too, can be president of the united states. (laughter and applause.) a yale degree is worth a lot, as i often remind dick cheney -- (laughter) -- who studied here, but left a little early. so now we know -- if you graduate from yale, you become president. if you drop out, you get to be vice president. (laughter.)

i appreciate so very much the chance to say a few words on this occasion. i know yale has a tradition of having no commencement speaker. i also know that you've carved out a single e_ception. most people think that to speak at yale's commencement, you have to be president. but over the years, the specifications have become far more demanding. now you have to be a yale graduate, you have to be president, and you have had to have lost the yale vote to ralph nader. ( applause.)

this is my first time back here in quite a while. i'm sure that each of you will make your own journey back at least a few times in your life. if you're like me, you won't remember everything you did here. (laughter.) that can be a good thing. (laughter.) but there will be some people, and some moments, you will never forget.

take, for e_ample, my old classmate, dick brodhead, the accomplished dean of this great university. (applause.) i remember him as a young scholar, a bright lad -- (laughter) -- a hard worker. we both put a lot of time in at the sterling library, in the reading room, where they have those big leather couches. (laughter.) we had a mutual understanding -- dick wouldn't read aloud, and i wouldn't snore. (laughter.)

our course selections were different, as we followed our own path to academic discovery. dick was an english major, and loved the classics. i loved history, and pursued a diversified course of study. i like to think of it as the academic road less traveled. (laughter.)

for e_ample, i took a class that studied japanese haiku. haiku, for the uninitiated, is a 15th century form of poetry, each poem having 17 syllables. haiku is fully understood only by the zen masters. as i recall, one of my academic advisers was worried about my selection of such a specialized course. he said i should focus on english. (laughter.) i still hear that quite often. ( laughter.) but my critics don't realize i don't make verbal gaffes. i'm speaking in the perfect forms and rhythms of ancient haiku. (applause.)

i did take english here, and i took a class called 'the history and practice of american oratory,' taught by rollin g. osterweis. (applause.) and, president levin, i want to give credit where credit is due. i want the entire world to know this -- everything i know about the spoken word, i learned right here at yale. (laughter.)

as a student, i tried to keep a low profile. it worked. last year the new york times interviewed john morton blum because the record showed i had taken one of his courses. casting his mind's eye over the parade of young faces down through the years, professor blum said, and i quote, 'i don't have the foggiest recollection of him.' (laughter.)

but i remember professor blum. and i still recall his dedication and high standards of learning. in my time there were many great professors at yale. and there still are. they're the ones who keep yale going after the commencements, after we have all gone our separate ways. i'm not sure i remembered to thank them the last time i was here, but now that i have a second chance, i thank the professors of yale university. (applause.)

that's how i've come to feel about the yale e_perience -- grateful. i studied hard, i played hard, and i made a lot of lifelong friends. what stays with you from college is the part of your education you hardly ever notice at the time. it's the e_pectations and e_amples around you, the ideals you believe in, and the friends you make.

in my time, they spoke of the 'yale man.' i was really never sure what that was. but i do think that i'm a better man because of yale. all universities, at their best, teach that degrees and honors are far from the full measure of life. nor is that measure taken in wealth or in titles. what matters most are the standards you live by, the consideration you show others, and the way you use the gifts you are given.

now you leave yale behind, carrying the written proof of your success here, at a college older than america. when i left here, i didn't have much in the way of a life plan. i knew some people who thought they did. but it turned out that we were all in for ups and downs, most of them une_pected. life takes its own turns, makes its own demands, writes its own story. and along the way, we start to realize we are not the author.

we begin to understand that life is ours to live, but not to waste, and that the greatest rewards are found in the commitments we make with our whole hearts -- to the people we love and to the causes that earn our sacrifice. i hope that each of you will know these rewards. i hope you will find them in your own way and your own time.

for some, that might mean some time in public service. and if you hear that calling, i hope you answer. each of you has unique gifts and you were given them for a reason. use them and share them. public service is one way -- an honorable way -- to mark your life with meaning.

today i visit not only my alma mater, but the city of my birth. my life began just a few blocks from here, but i was raised in west te_as. from there, yale always seemed a world away, maybe a part of my future. now it's part of my past, and yale for me is a source of great pride.

i hope that there will come a time for you to return to yale to say that, and feel as i do today. and i hope you won't wait as long. congratulations and god bless. (applause.)

end

人人都可能當(dāng)總統(tǒng)——布什在耶魯大學(xué)的演講

我很榮幸能在這個(gè)場(chǎng)合發(fā)表演講。

我知道，耶魯向來不邀請(qǐng)畢業(yè)典禮演講人，但近幾年來卻有例外。雖然破了例，但條件卻更 加嚴(yán)格――演講人必須同時(shí)具備兩種身份：耶魯校友、美國(guó)總統(tǒng)。我很驕傲在33年前領(lǐng)取 到第一個(gè)耶魯大學(xué)的學(xué)位。此次，我又榮獲耶魯榮譽(yù)學(xué)位感到光榮。

今天是諸位學(xué)友畢業(yè)的日子，在這里我首先要恭喜家長(zhǎng)們：恭喜你們的子女修完學(xué)業(yè)順利畢 業(yè)，這是你們辛勤栽培后享受收獲的日子，也是你們錢包解放的大好日子!最重要的是，我 要恭喜耶魯畢業(yè)生們：對(duì)于那些表現(xiàn)杰出的同學(xué)，我要說，你真棒!對(duì)于那些丙等生，我要 說，你們將來也可以當(dāng)美國(guó)總統(tǒng)!

耶魯學(xué)位價(jià)值不菲。我時(shí)常這么提醒切尼(現(xiàn)任美國(guó)副總統(tǒng)),他在早年也短暫就讀于此.所以 ,我想提醒正就讀于耶魯?shù)妮份穼W(xué)子，如果你們從耶魯順利畢業(yè)，你們也許可以當(dāng)上總統(tǒng); 如果你們中途輟學(xué)，那么你們只能當(dāng)副總統(tǒng)了。

這是我畢業(yè)以來第二次回到這里。不過，一些人，一些事至今讓我念念不忘。舉例來說，我 記得我的老同學(xué)狄克.布洛德翰，如今他是偉大學(xué)校的杰出校長(zhǎng)，他讀書時(shí)的聰明與刻苦至 今讓我記憶猶新。那時(shí)，我們經(jīng)常泡在校圖書館那個(gè)有著大皮沙發(fā)的閱讀室里。我們有個(gè)默 契：他不大聲朗讀課文，我睡覺不打呼嚕。

后來，隨著學(xué)術(shù)探索的領(lǐng)域不同，我們選修的課程也各不相同，狄克主修英語(yǔ)，我主修歷史 。有趣的是，我選修過15世紀(jì)的日本俳句——每首詩(shī)只有17個(gè)音節(jié)，我想其意義只有禪學(xué)大 師才能明了。我記得一位學(xué)科顧問對(duì)我選修如此專精的課程表示擔(dān)憂，他說我應(yīng)該選修英語(yǔ) ?，F(xiàn)在，我仍然時(shí)常聽到這類建議。我在其他場(chǎng)合演講時(shí)，在語(yǔ)言表達(dá)上曾被人誤解過，我 的批評(píng)者不明白：我不是說錯(cuò)了字，我是在復(fù)誦古代俳句的完美格式與聲韻呢。

我很感激耶魯大學(xué)給我們提供了這么好的讀書環(huán)境。讀書期間，我堅(jiān)持“用功讀書，努力玩 樂”的思想，雖然不是很出色地完成了學(xué)業(yè)，但結(jié)交了許多讓我終生受益的朋友。也許有的 同學(xué)會(huì)認(rèn)為，大學(xué)只是人生受教育的重要部分，殊不知，“大學(xué)生活”這四個(gè)字的內(nèi)涵十分 深厚，它既包含豐富的學(xué)科知識(shí)和學(xué)術(shù)氛圍，也蘊(yùn)涵著許多支撐人生成敗的觀念，還有那豐 富多彩的生活以及讀多值得結(jié)交的朋友┄┄

大家常說，“耶魯人”，我從不確定那是什么意思。但是我想，這一定是含著無(wú)限肯定與景 仰的褒義詞。是的，因?yàn)橐?，因?yàn)橛辛嗽谝斏钤斓慕?jīng)歷，你、我、他變成了一個(gè)個(gè)更加 優(yōu)秀的人!你們離開耶魯后，我希望你們牢記“我的知識(shí)源自耶魯”，并以你們自己的方式 、自己的時(shí)間、自己的奮斗來體現(xiàn)對(duì)母校的熱愛，聽從時(shí)代的召喚，用信心與行動(dòng)予以積極 響應(yīng)。

你們每個(gè)人都有獨(dú)特的天賦，你們擁有的這些天賦就是你們參與 競(jìng)爭(zhēng)、實(shí)現(xiàn)人生價(jià)值的資 本，好好利用它們，與人分享它們，將它們轉(zhuǎn)化為推進(jìn)時(shí)代前進(jìn)的動(dòng)力吧!人生是要讓我們 去生活、而不是用來浪費(fèi)的，只要肯爭(zhēng)上游，人人都可當(dāng)總統(tǒng)!

這次我不僅回到母校，也是回到我的出生地，我就是在幾條街之外出生的。在那時(shí)，耶魯與 無(wú)知的我仿佛要隔了一個(gè)世界之遙，而現(xiàn)在，她是我過去的一部分。對(duì)我而言，耶魯是我知 識(shí)的源泉，力量的源泉，令我極度驕傲的源泉。我希望，將來你們以另外一種身份回到耶魯 時(shí)，能有與我一樣的感受并說出相同的話。我希望你們不要等太久，我也堅(jiān)信耶魯邀請(qǐng)你回 校演講的日子也不會(huì)等太久。

第4篇 美國(guó)總統(tǒng)感恩節(jié)英語(yǔ)演講稿（中英文）

【2022年感恩節(jié)英語(yǔ)演講稿】

hi, everybody. on behalf of all the obamas – michelle, malia, sasha, bo, and the newest member of our family, sunny – i want to wish you a happy and healthy thanksgiving.

大家好!我代表我們家所有人——米歇爾、瑪利亞、薩莎、波爾以及新添成員桑尼，祝愿大家有一個(gè)快樂舒適的感恩節(jié)。

we’ll be spending today just like many of you – sitting down with family and friends to eat some good food, tell stories, watch a little football, and most importantly, count our blessings.

我們今天會(huì)和家人朋友一起享用美味的食物、講故事、看點(diǎn)足球比賽，最重要的是，感恩——就像你們大多數(shù)人一樣。

and as americans, we have so much to be thankful for.

作為美國(guó)人，我們有那么多值得感恩的東西。

we give thanks for the men and women who set sail for this land nearly four centuries ago, risking everything for the chance at a better life – and the people who were already here, our native american brothers and sisters, for their generosity during that first thanksgiving.

我們對(duì)近42022年前航行到這片土地的人們表達(dá)感謝，因?yàn)樗麄優(yōu)榱藢で蟾玫纳?，甘冒一切風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。我們還要感激已經(jīng)在這片土地上的，我們的原住民印第安兄弟姐妹們，感激他們?cè)诘谝淮胃卸鞴?jié)上的慷慨大度。

we give thanks for the generations who followed – people of all races and religions, who arrived here from every country on earth and worked to build something better for themselves and for us.

我們對(duì)相繼而來的世世代代的人們表達(dá)感激。來自世界各國(guó)的人們——來自不同民族并有著不同宗教信仰，齊心協(xié)力為他們自己和我們建筑起更美好的將來。

we give thanks for all our men and women in uniform – and for their families, who are surely missing them very much today. we’re grateful for their sacrifice too.

我們對(duì)穿制服為我們服務(wù)的人們表達(dá)謝意，對(duì)今天必定無(wú)比想念他們的親人表達(dá)謝意。我們感激他們的犧牲。

we give thanks for the freedoms they defend – the freedom to think what we want and say what we think, to worship according to our own beliefs, to choose our leaders and, yes, criticize them without punishment. people around the world are fighting and even dying for their chance at these freedoms. we stand with them in that struggle, and we give thanks for being free.

我們感恩他們所捍衛(wèi)的自由——讓我們敢想敢說的自由、讓我們選擇信仰的自由、讓我們選擇自己的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的自由，以及，不受懲罰地批評(píng)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的自由。世界各國(guó)人民都在為有這些自由而奮斗甚至犧牲。我們和他們站在同一戰(zhàn)線上，我們?yōu)樽杂啥卸鳌?/p>

and we give thanks to everyone who’s doing their part to make the united states a better, more compassionate nation – who spend their thanksgiving volunteering at a soup kitchen, or joining a service project, or bringing food and cheer to a lonely neighbor. that big-hearted generosity is a central part of our american character. we believe in lending a hand to folks who need it. we believe in pitching in to solve problems even if they aren’t our problems. and that’s not a one-day-a-year belief. it’s part of the fabric of our nation.

而且，我們感恩所有讓美國(guó)成為更強(qiáng)大并且更富同情心的國(guó)家而盡責(zé)職守的人們——那些感恩節(jié)在救濟(jì)所參加志愿服務(wù)的人，或者參加服務(wù)項(xiàng)目的人，或者給孤單的鄰居送去食物和鼓勵(lì)的人。這樣的大度慷慨是我們美國(guó)人性格中的核心部分。我們?cè)敢饨o需要的人以援手，我們?cè)敢饴芬姴黄桨蔚断嘀?。這些不是一年一次的想法，這是我們國(guó)家的構(gòu)成。

and we remember that many americans need that helping hand right now. americans who’ve lost their jobs and can’t get a new one through no fault of their own. americans who’ve been trapped in poverty and just need that helping hand to climb out. citizens whose prayers and hopes move us to act.

我們牢記著許多美國(guó)人現(xiàn)在需要幫助。那些失去工作而且沒有絲毫過錯(cuò)卻找不到新工作的美國(guó)人，那些深陷貧困而且急需救援之手的美國(guó)人。正是這些公民的祈禱和希望促使我們行動(dòng)。

we are a people who are greater together than we are on our own. that’s what today is about. that’s what every day should be about. no matter our differences, we’re all part of one american family. we are each other’s keeper. we are one nation, under god. that core tenet of our american e_perience has guided us from the earliest days of our founding – and it will guide us to a future that’s even brighter than today.

我們是一個(gè)團(tuán)結(jié)勝過單獨(dú)行動(dòng)的國(guó)家。今天如此，每天都如此。不管我們多么不同，我們都是美國(guó)大家庭的一份子。我們是彼此的守護(hù)者。我們是上帝庇佑的一個(gè)國(guó)家。我們美國(guó)歷史實(shí)踐出的這個(gè)核心信條將帶領(lǐng)我們走向比今天更輝煌的未來，從建國(guó)初期到將來都是如此。

thank you, god bless you, and from my family to yours, happy thanksgiving.

謝謝，上帝保佑你。還有我們?nèi)蚁雽?duì)大家表示感恩節(jié)快樂。

第5篇 奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在安賽樂米塔爾集團(tuán)克利夫蘭鋼鐵廠英語(yǔ)演講稿

the president: hello, ohio! (applause.) it is good to be backin cleveland. the last timei was herewas about a year ago, in the final days of the campaign. i know how much you misshearing how iapprove this message every night on your tv. (laughter.) i will say it is niceto behere when the only real battle for ohio is the browns-bengals game thissunday. (applause.)he’s got the browns shirt right here, brownscap. (laughter.)

i want to thank scotty for thatterrific introduction. give him a biground of applause. (applause.) he is a natural. i want to thank your ceo, lakshmi mittal, forinvesting in americaand the cleveland area. we appreciate him. (applause.) and i want to thankall of you forhaving me here today.

along with me, there are a coupleof people i just want to acknowledge. first of all,america’s secretary of energy, ernie moniz, is here. right there. (applause.) andcongresswomanmarcy kaptur is here. give marcy a biground of applause. (applause.) fightingfor working people every day.

and earlier this afternoon i hada chance to see your mayor, frank jackson; your countye_ecutive, edfitzgerald. and even though they’re nothere, i want to thank them for the greatwork they’re doing on behalf ofworking people throughout the region. (applause.)

and then, finally, i want tothank mark and gary for showing me one of the biggest steelplants inamerica. and they told me that folks areproud to have been making steel right here fora century -- 100 years -- righthere. (applause.) and they e_plained that, today, the steelyoumake in cleveland is some of the strongest you’ll find anywhere in theworld. it’s one of themost productiveplants in the world. best workers in theworld. (applause.)

and what’s remarkable is, whenyou think about it, go back to where this plant was just afew years ago. the economy was in free fall, auto industryon the brink of collapse. and thatmeantdemand for steel had dried up. the blastfurnaces went quiet. about 1,200steelworkerspunched out for what might have been the last time. and that all came at the end of a decadewhenthe middle class was already working harder and harder just to get by, andnearly one inthree american manufacturing jobs had vanished -- a lot of themgoing overseas. and that couldhavedevastated this community for good.

but we rolled up our sleeves, wemade some tough choices. we rescued andretooled theamerican auto industry; it saved more than a million jobs. we bet on american ingenuity andamericanworkers. (applause.) and assembly lines started humming again, andautomakersstarted to make cars again. and just a few months after this plant shutdown, your plantmanager got the call: fire those furnaces back up, get those workers back on the job. and overthe last four years, you’ve madeyourselves one of the most productive steel mills not just inamerica, but inthe world. in the world. (applause.)

so you retooled to make thestronger steel that goes into newer, better american cars andtrucks. you created new partnerships with schools andcommunity colleges to make sure thatfolks who work here have the high-techskills they need for the high-tech jobs -- because i waslooking around thisfactory, and there’s a whole bunch of computer stuff going on.

one of your engineers -- and iwant to make sure i get margaret’s name right here --margaret krolikowski. did i get that right, margaret? (applause.) where’s margaret? whereisshe? there is she is, back there. so i’m going to quote you -- i’m going toquote you. here’swhat margaretsaid: “when we came back, we wanted tomake sure we were in a position wherewe never shut down again.” never shut down again. and that means making sure that workershereare constantly upgrading their skills and investments being made in thestate-of-the-arttechnology.

and it was interesting, when iwas meeting a number of the folks who were giving me thetour -- folks who havebeen here 30 years, 40 years -- but obviously the plant has changed, andsoduring that period they’ve had to upgrade their skills. and that’s what’s happened. and thestory of this plant is the story ofamerica over the last five years. wehaven’t just beenrecovering from a crisis. what we’ve been trying to do is rebuild a new foundation for growthandprosperity to protect ourselves from future crises. and because of the grit and resilienceandoptimism of the american people, we’re seeing comeback stories like yours allacrossamerica.

over the last 44 months, ourbusinesses have created 7.8 million new jobs. last month,another 200,000 americans went back to work. (applause.) and a lot of those jobs are inmanufacturing. so now we’ve got more work to do to get thoseengines of the economy churningeven faster. but because we’ve been willing to do some hard things, not just kick thecan downthe road, factories are reopening their doors, businesses are hiringnew workers, companies thatwere shipping jobs overseas, they’re starting totalk about bringing those jobs back to america.we’re starting to see that.

and let me give you an e_ample,because we were talking about this -- mr. mittal and otherswere talking aboutwhat’s different now. take a look atwhat we’ve done with american energy.for years, folks have talked about reducing our dependence on foreignoil -- but we didn’t reallydo it. andwe were just importing more and more oil, sending more and more moneyoverseas.gas prices keep on going upand up and up. we finally decided wewere going to do somethingabout it.

so we invested in new americantechnologies to reverse our addiction to foreign oil,double wind power, doublesolar power, produce more oil, produce more natural gas, and do itall in a waythat is actually bringing down some of our pollution, making our entireeconomymore energy-efficient. today, we generatemore renewable energy than ever.weproduce more natural gas than anybody in the world. just yesterday, we learned that for thefirsttime since 1995, the united states of america produces more of our own oil hereat homethan we buy from other countries. first time since 1995. (applause.) and that’s a big deal.that’s what america has done these past fiveyears.

and that is a huge competitiveadvantage for us. part of the reasoncompanies now want tomove -- we were just talking about it -- this plant, ifit’s located in germany, energy costs aredouble, maybe triple; same injapan. so this gives us a big edge. but this is also important: wereached the milestone not just because we’reproducing more energy, but also we’re wastingless energy. and this plant is a good e_ample of it. we set new fuel standards that doublethedistance our cars and trucks go on a gallon of gas by the middle of the ne_tdecade. thatsaves the average driver,everybody here, more than $8,000 at the pump over the life of a newcar. you like that? (applause.) we launched initiatives to put people to work upgrading ourhomes, andour businesses, and our factories so we’re wasting less energy. all that savesbusinesses money on theirenergy bills. your plant is one of thehundreds to answer that call.and if you’resaving money on energy costs, that means you can invest in equipment, investinworkers, hire more people, produce more products.

and here’s another thing: between more clean energy, less wastedenergy, the carbonpollution that’s helping to warm the planet, that actuallystarts going down. and that’s goodnewsfor anybody who cares about leaving a planet to our kids that is as beautifulas the one wegot from our parents and our grandparents. (applause.) so it’s a win-win. our economykeepsgrowing, creating new jobs, which means that strengthening our energysecurity and increasingenergy efficiency doesn’t have to be a choice betweenthe environment and the economy --we can do both.

so we’ve tackled the way we useenergy. that’s making america morecompetitive in order toattract good jobs. we’ve also tackled our deficits. a lot of people have been concerned aboutdeficits. since i took office, we cut them inhalf. that makes america more attractivewhen itcomes to business investment decisions.

and we’ve tackled a broken healthcare system. obviously, we’re not doneyet. (applause.)obviously, we’re not done yet. but over the last three years, health carecosts have grown at theslowest pace on record. and this is a great place to work thanks to a great steelworkersunionand cooperation between management and labor. (applause.) but just keep in mindthatif businesses’ health care costs are growing at about one-third the ratethat they were a decadeago, that makes america a more affordable place to dobusiness, and it also means that theinvestors here, if they’re putting lessmoney into health care costs, they can put more money interms of hiring moreworkers and making sure that they’re getting good pay.

so that’s what all these toughdecisions are about: reversing theforces that have hurt themiddle class for a long, long time, and building aneconomy where anybody, if you work hard,you can get ahead. that’s what plants like this have always beenabout. it’s not that it’seasywork. but it means if you work hard, you’vegot a chance to buy a home, you’ve got achance to retire, you’ve got a chanceto send your kids to school, you have a chance to maybetake a little vacationonce in a while. that’s what peoplestrive for. and that’s what will makethe21st century an american century, just like the last century was.

but i didn’t run for president togo back to where we were. i want us togo forward. i want usto go towards thefuture. (applause.) i want us to get us to where we need tobe. i want tosolve problems, not justput them off. i want to solveproblems. and we’ve got to do moretocreate more good, middle-class jobs like the ones folks have here.

that means we’ve got to doeverything we can to prepare our children and our workers forthe competitionthat they’re going to face. we should bedoing everything we can to help putsome sort of advanced education withinreach for more young people. noteverybody has got togo to a four-year college, but just looking at theequipment around here, you’ve got to have alittle bit of advancedtraining. it may come through acommunity college or it may come througha technical school, but we’ve got tomake sure you can get that education, your kids can getthat education withoutgoing broke -- without going broke, without going into debt. (applause.)so we’re working on that.

another thing we should beworking on: fi_ing a broken immigrationsystem. (applause.)when you think about this whole region, a lotof folks forget, but almost everybody who workedin that plant 100 years agocame from someplace else. and so we’vegot now a new generation ofhopeful, striving immigrants; we’ve got to makesure that they come legally and that we dowhat we need to secure our borders,but we’ve also got to make sure that we’re providing themopportunity just likeyour parents, grandparents, great-grandparents received when theyarrived atthis plant. and that’s important. (applause.) and, by the way, it will help oureconomy grow because then they’repaying ta_es and helping to invest and build here inamerica.

we should do everything we can torevitalize american manufacturing. manufacturing is --that’s the hub of our economy. when our manufacturing base is strong, theentire economy isstrong. a lot ofservice jobs depend on servicing manufacturing jobs. and, typically,manufacturing jobs pay alittle bit better. so that’s been apath, a ticket to the middle class.sowhen we make steel and cars, make them here in america, that helps. like i said, the workmay be hard but itgives you enough money to buy a home and raise a kid, retire and send yourkidsto school.

and those kinds of jobs also tellus something else. it’s not just howmuch you get in yourpaycheck, it’s also a sense of, “i’m making something andi’m helping to build this country.”ithelps establish a sense of -- that we’re invested in this country. (applause.) it tells us whatwe’re worth as a community. one of your coworkers, mike longa -- where’smike?

audience member: back here.

the president: is he back here? that’s mike right there. mike grew up here. his momand dad worked at this plant. this plant helped put mike and four brothersand/or sistersthrough college. and oncethis plant started growing again, mike got his chance to be asteelworker here,and provide for his own two young kids. so it’s a generational thing, and iwant to keep that going.

in my state of the union address,i talked about how we created america’s firstmanufacturing innovationinstitute right here in ohio. marcykaptur has been a big proponentof this, because she knows how importantmanufacturing is. i want to create moreof them --places where businesses are working with universities and they’repartnering to figure out whatare the new manufacturing techniques that keep usat the cutting edge so that china orgermany don’t get ahead of us in terms ofthe equipment that’s being invested. wewant to beat the cutting edge, so what we’re producing is always the beststeel, it’s always the best cars.butthat requires research and investment.

and your senator, sherrod brown,helped us to create that first manufacturing hub inyoungstown. and he’s now leading a bipartisan effort --(applause) -- he’s now leading abipartisan effort with senator blunt ofmissouri to move more of these manufacturinginnovation hubs all across thecountry. and congress should passsherrod’s bill. we should bedoingeverything we can to guarantee the ne_t revolution in manufacturing happensright herein cuyahoga, happens right here in ohio, happens right here inamerica. (applause.)

and let me make one lastpoint. we have to do everything we canto make sure everyamerican has access to quality, affordable health care,period. (applause.) you may have readwe had some problems lastmonth with websites. i’m not happy aboutthat. and then i had apress conferencetoday and i said, you know what, we fumbled the ball in terms of the rollout.

but we always knew this was goingto be hard. there’s a reason why folkshad tried to do itfor 100 years and hadn’t done it. and it’s complicated. there are a lot of players involved. thestatus quo is entrenched. and so, yes, there’s no question the rollouton the affordable careact was much tougher than we e_pected. but i want everybody here to understand, i amgoingto see this through. (applause.) i want millions of americans to make surethat they’re notgoing broke when they get sick and they can go to a doctorwhen their kids get sick. and we’renotapologizing for that. we are going toget this done. (applause.)

so we’re going to get the websiteworking the way it’s supposed to. theplans are already outthere that are affordable and people can get ta_credits. we’re going to help folks whoseoldplans have been canceled by the insurers -- many of them weren’t very good-- and we’re goingto make sure that they can get newer, better options.

but we’re not going to go back tothe old system, because the old system was broken. andevery year, thousands of americans wouldget dropped from coverage or denied their medicalhistory or e_posed tofinancial ruin. you guys are lucky thatyou work at a company with astrong union that gives you good healthbenefits. (applause.) but you know friends and familymembers whodon’t have it, and you know what it’s like when they get sick. you know how scaryit is for them when theyget sick. or some of them have healthinsurance -- they think they do --and they get sick, and suddenly theinsurance company says, oh, i’m sorry, you owe $50,000.that’s not covered. or they jack up your premium so you can’tafford it because you had somesort of pree_isting condition. that happens every day.

so we’re not going to let thathappen. we’re not going to let folks whopay their premiumson time get jerked around. and we’re not going to walk away from the 40 million americanswithouthealth insurance. (applause.) we are not going to gut this law. we will fi_ what needsto be fi_ed, but we’regoing to make the affordable care act work. and those who say they’reopposed to it and can’t offer a solution, we’llpush back. (applause.)

i got to give your governor alittle bit of credit. john kasich, alongwith a lot of statelegislators who are here today, they e_panded medicaidunder the affordable care act. andthinkabout that. just that one step means asmany as 275,000 ohioans are going to have healthinsurance. and it doesn’t depend on a website. that’s already happening because oftheaffordable care act. (applause.)

and i think it’s fair to say thatthe governor didn’t do it because he just loves me so much. (laughter.) we don’t agree on much, but he saw, well, this makes sense -- why wouldn’twe dothis? why wouldn’t we make surethat hundreds of thousands of people right here in ohio havesomesecurity? it was the right thing todo. and, by the way, if every republicangovernor didwhat kasich did here rather than play politics about it, you’dhave another 5.4 million americanswho could get access to health care ne_tyear, regardless of what happens with the website.that’s their decision not to do it. and it’s the wrong decision. they’ve got to go ahead andsign folks up.

so the bottom line is sometimeswe just have to set aside the politics and focus on what’sgood forpeople. what’s good to grow our middleclass? what’s going to help keep planslike thisgrowing? what’s going to makesure we’re putting more people back to work? what’s going toreally make a difference in terms of our kids getting agreat education?

and, look, we’ve done itbefore. that’s the good news. the good news is that america is --look, wemake mistakes. we have ourdifferences. our politics get screwed upsometimes.websites don’t worksometimes. (laughter.) but we just keep going. we didn’t become thegreatest nation on earthby accident. we did it because we didwhat it took to make sure ourfamilies could succeed, make sure our businessescould succeed, make sure our communitiescould succeed. and if you don’t believe me, listen to one ofyour coworkers.

so sherrod brown, earlier thisyear, brought a special guest along with him to the state ofthe union address-- one of your coworkers, cookie hall. where’s cookie? is cookie here?

audience member: no, she’s back at the hall.

the president: she’s back at the hall working. (laughter.) well, let me say somethingnice about her behind her back. (laughter.) so cookie said, one of -- let me make sure i canfind this. she said -- that night she said, “if i get achance to meet president obama, i’ll tellhim my greatest pride is in our 2022production record at cleveland works. we’rethe mostproductive steelworkers in the world.” (applause.) more than a ton ofsteel produced for everysingle one of the workers at this plant. that’s pretty good. that’s pretty good. (applause.)

so all of you are an e_ample ofwhat we do when we put our minds to it. this plant wasclosed for a while. we go through hard times. and alot of our friends are still going throughhard times. but when we work at it, we know we can get toa better place, and we can restoresome security to a middle class that wasforged in plants just like this one, and keep givingladders of opportunity forfolks who were willing to work hard to get into the middle class.that’s what i’m about. that’s what this plant is about. i’m proud to be with you.

and as long as i have the honorof being your president, i’m going to be waking up everysingle day thinkingabout how i can keep on helping folks like the ones who work in thisplant. (applause.)

god bless you. thank you. god bless you, and god bless the united states of america.thank you.

第6篇 英國(guó)女王伊麗莎白二世在德國(guó)總統(tǒng)府歡迎國(guó)宴上英語(yǔ)演講稿

mr president,

prince philip and i would like to thank you and frau schadt for the warm welcome you havegiven us at the start of our fifth state visit to germany. in the 50 years since our first visit, ourcountries have lived through many profound changes. i am very glad to record that one of theirreversible changes for the better in my lifetime has been in the relationship between theunited kingdom and germany.

mr president, it falls to a head of state to lead a nation in the marking of anniversaries. everymonth this year we commemorate either the centenary of a momentous event in the firstworld war; the 70th anniversary of a milestone at the end of the second world war; or, herein germany, 25 years of reunification following the fall of the wall which divided this city andthis nation for so long.

but, tonight, i would also like to cast back rather further in time. last week in a water-meadow by the river thames, i attended an event to celebrate the 800th anniversary of themagna carta. of course, in common with other events in our remote history, the precise factsof 1215 are disputed. the consequences of the agreement between king john and his barons,however, are not disputed: for the first time we established in england that no man should beabove the law and that individuals as well as rulers have rights. thus began the long, slow andinterrupted process of our country's evolution into a democracy.

tomorrow i shall visit st paul's church, where the first freely-elected legislature in germanymet in 1848. the frankfurt parliament turned out to be a false dawn; it took another centuryand the loss of the most terrible wars in history to set germany on the path of democracy.

earlier this year my cousins visited germany to mark with you, mr president, more recent andpainful anniversaries. the duke of kent visited dresden and the duke of gloucester visitedbergen-belsen. i myself shall visit bergen-belsen on friday. these visits underline the completereconciliation between our countries.

germany has reconciled with all her neighbours. i pay tribute to the work of the germanstatesmen since the second world war who reinvented germany and helped to rebuild europe.i met chancellor adenauer at windsor in 1958. he rejected the idea of a neutral germany,preferring to anchor germany in the west. his successors took up the challenge of unitinggermany as a member of all the institutions of europe and the west.

since 1945 the united kingdom has determined to number among germany's very strongestfriends in europe. in the intervening decades, britain and germany have achieved so much byworking together. i have every confidence that we will continue to do so in the years ahead.

since berlin and germany were reunited there has been much to celebrate. today i cruisedwith you, mr president, along the spree. i saw fewer cranes than when i was last here in 2022.but still the most magnificent element of berlin's skyline is the reichstag dome, an enduringreminder of our cultural cooperation. our work together includes every part of life, frompolitics to commerce, from industry to every aspect of the arts, in particular, music,museums and education.

we also saw a wonderful e_ample of partnership in education and science during our visit to thetechnical university this afternoon. the enthusiasm and interest our students and youngpeople have for each other's ideas and work is our greatest asset: the ne_t generation is at easewith itself and with contemporaries across europe in a way that was never the case before.

the united kingdom has always been closely involved in its continent. even when our mainfocus was elsewhere in the world, our people played a key part in europe. in the nineteenthcentury in the russian empire a welsh engineer called john hughes founded a mining townwhich is now donetsk in ukraine. and in the seventeenth century a scottish publican calledrichard cant moved his family to pomerania; his son moved further east to memel and hisgrandson then moved south to k?nigsberg, where richard's great-grandson, immanuel kant,was born.

in our lives, mr president, we have seen the worst but also the best of our continent. we havewitnessed how quickly things can change for the better. but we know that we must work hardto maintain the benefits of the post-war world. we know that division in europe is dangerousand that we must guard against it in the west as well as in the east of our continent. thatremains a common endeavour.

ladies and gentlemen, i ask you to rise and drink a toast to the president and the people ofgermany.

第7篇 關(guān)于美國(guó)前總統(tǒng)布什感恩節(jié)演講稿

美國(guó)前總統(tǒng)布什感恩節(jié)演講稿(2009)

good morning. this week, americans gather with loved ones to celebrate thanksgiving. this holiday season is a time of fellowship and peace. and it is a time to give thanks for our many blessings.

during this holiday season, we give thanks for generations of americans who overcame hardships to create and sustain a free nation. when the pilgrims celebrated their first thanksgiving nearly four centuries ago, they had already suffered through a harsh and bitter winter. but they were willing to endure that adversity to live in a land where they could worship the almighty without persecution. when president abraham lincoln proclaimed thanksgiving a national holiday in 1863, the united states was in the midst of a terrible civil war. but in that hour of trial he gave thanks -- because he believed america would weather the storm and emerge into a new era of liberty.

during this holiday season, we give thanks for those who defend our freedom. america's men and women in uniform deserve our highest respect -- and so do the families who love and support them. lately, i have been asked what i will miss about the presidency. and my answer is that i will miss being the commander-in-chief of these brave warriors. in this special time of year, when many of them are serving in distant lands, they are in the thoughts and prayers of all americans.

during this holiday season, we give thanks for the kindness of citizens throughout our nation. it is a testament to the goodness of our people that on thanksgiving, millions of americans reach out to those who have little. the true spirit of the holidays can be seen in the generous volunteers who bring comfort to the poor and the sick and the elderly. these men and women are selfless members of our nation's armies of compassion -- and they make our country a better place, one heart and one soul at a time.

finally, i have a special note of thanks to the american people. on this, my last thanksgiving as your president, i am thankful for the good will, kind words, and heartfelt prayers that so many of you have offered me during the past eight years. i have been blessed to represent such decent, brave, and caring people. for that, i will always be grateful, and i will always be honored. thank you for listening.

第8篇 肯尼迪就職美國(guó)總統(tǒng)英語(yǔ)演講稿

肯尼迪就職演講稿(英文版)

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president ni_on, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.

we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

this much we pledge -- and more.

to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always e_pect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

to those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

let both sides e_plore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us e_plore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of isaiah -- to 'undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.'¹

and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.

in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, 'rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,'² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?

in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of ma_imum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would e_change places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.

肯尼迪就職演講稿(中文版)

我們今天慶祝的并不是一次政黨的勝利，而是一次自由的慶典;它象征著結(jié)束，也象征著開始;意味著更新，也意味著變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲?，作了跟我們祖先將近一又四分之三世紀(jì)以前所擬定的相同的莊嚴(yán)誓言。

現(xiàn)今世界已經(jīng)很不同了，因?yàn)槿嗽谧约貉庵|的手中握有足以消滅一切形式的人類貧困和一切形式的人類生命的力量。可是我們祖先奮斗不息所維護(hù)的革命信念，在世界各地仍處于爭(zhēng)論之中。那信念就是注定人權(quán)并非來自政府的慷慨施與，而是上帝所賜。

我們今天不敢忘記我們是那第一次革命的繼承人，讓我從此時(shí)此地告訴我們的朋友，并且也告訴我們的敵人，這支火炬已傳交新一代的美國(guó)人，他們出生在本世紀(jì)，經(jīng)歷過戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的鍛煉，受過嚴(yán)酷而艱苦的和平的熏陶，以我們的古代傳統(tǒng)自豪，而且不愿目睹或容許人權(quán)逐步被褫奪。對(duì)于這些人權(quán)我國(guó)一向堅(jiān)貞不移，當(dāng)前在國(guó)內(nèi)和全世界我們也是對(duì)此力加維護(hù)的。

讓每一個(gè)國(guó)家知道，不管它盼我們好或盼我們壞，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，忍受任何重負(fù)，應(yīng)付任何艱辛，支持任何朋友，反對(duì)任何敵人，以確保自由的存在與實(shí)現(xiàn)。

這是我們矢志不移的事--而且還不止此。

對(duì)于那些和我們擁有共同文化和精神傳統(tǒng)的老盟邦，我們保證以摯友之誠(chéng)相待。只要團(tuán)結(jié)，則在許多合作事業(yè)中幾乎沒有什么是辦不到的。倘若分裂，我們則無(wú)可作為，因?yàn)槲覀冊(cè)谝庖姺制?、各行其是的情況下，是不敢應(yīng)付強(qiáng)大挑戰(zhàn)的。

對(duì)于那些我們歡迎其參與自由國(guó)家行列的新國(guó)家，我們要提出保證，絕不讓一種形成的殖民統(tǒng)治消失后，卻代之以另一種遠(yuǎn)為殘酷的暴政。我們不能老是期望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)，但我們卻一直希望他們能堅(jiān)決維護(hù)他們自身的自由，并應(yīng)記取，在過去，那些愚蠢得要騎在虎背上以壯聲勢(shì)的人，結(jié)果卻被虎所吞噬。

對(duì)于那些住在布滿半個(gè)地球的茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村中、力求打破普遍貧困的桎梏的人們，我們保證盡最大努力助其自救，不管需要多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間。這并非因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨會(huì)那樣做，也不是由于我們要求他們的選票，而是由于那樣做是正確的。自由社會(huì)若不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就不能保全那少數(shù)的富人。

對(duì)于我國(guó)邊界以內(nèi)的各姐妹共和國(guó)，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證：要把我們的美好諾言化作善行，在爭(zhēng)取進(jìn)步的新聯(lián)盟中援助自由人和自由政府來擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種為實(shí)現(xiàn)本身愿望而進(jìn)行的和平革命不應(yīng)成為不懷好意的國(guó)家的俎上肉。讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道，我們將與他們聯(lián)合抵御對(duì)美洲任何地區(qū)的侵略或顛覆。讓其它國(guó)家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己會(huì)管。

至于聯(lián)合國(guó)這個(gè)各主權(quán)國(guó)家的世界性議會(huì)，在今天這個(gè)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)工具的發(fā)展速度超過和平工具的時(shí)代中，它是我們最后的、最美好的希望。我們?cè)钢厣晡覀兊闹С种Z言;不讓它變成僅供謾罵的講壇，加強(qiáng)其對(duì)于新國(guó)弱國(guó)的保護(hù)，并擴(kuò)大其權(quán)力所能運(yùn)用的領(lǐng)域。

最后，對(duì)于那些與我們?yōu)閿车膰?guó)家，我們所要提供的不是保證，而是要求：雙方重新著手尋求和平，不要等到科學(xué)所釋出的危險(xiǎn)破壞力量在有意或無(wú)意中使全人類淪于自我毀滅。

我們不敢以示弱去誘惑他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們的武力無(wú)可置疑地壯大時(shí)，我們才能毫無(wú)疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)使用武力。

可是這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)有力的國(guó)家集團(tuán)，誰(shuí)也不能對(duì)當(dāng)前的趨勢(shì)放心--雙方都因現(xiàn)代武器的代價(jià)而感到不勝負(fù)擔(dān)，雙方都對(duì)于致命的原子力量不斷發(fā)展而產(chǎn)生應(yīng)有的驚駭，可是雙方都在競(jìng)謀改變那不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均衡，而此種均衡卻可以暫時(shí)阻止人類最后從事戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。

因此讓我們重新開始，雙方都應(yīng)記住，謙恭并非懦弱的征象，而誠(chéng)意則永遠(yuǎn)須要驗(yàn)證。讓我們永不因畏懼而談判。但讓我們永不要畏懼談判。

讓雙方探究能使我們團(tuán)結(jié)在一起的是什么問題，而不要虛耗心力于使我們分裂的問題。

讓雙方首次制訂有關(guān)視察和管制武器的真誠(chéng)而確切的建議，并且把那足以毀滅其它國(guó)家的漫無(wú)限制的力量置于所有國(guó)家的絕對(duì)管制之下。

讓雙方都謀求激發(fā)科學(xué)的神奇力量而不是科學(xué)的恐怖因素。讓我們聯(lián)合起來去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，開發(fā)海洋深處，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商務(wù)。

讓雙方攜手在世界各個(gè)角落遵循以賽亞的命令，去“卸下沉重的負(fù)擔(dān)……(并)讓被壓迫者得自由。”

如果建立合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑，那么，讓雙方聯(lián)合作一次新的努力吧，這不是追求新的權(quán)力均衡，而是建立一個(gè)新的法治世界，在那世界上強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。

凡此種種不會(huì)在最初的一百天中完成，不會(huì)在最初的一千天中完成，不會(huì)在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我們活在地球上的畢生期間完成。但讓我們開始。

同胞們，我們事業(yè)的最后成效，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你們手中。自從我國(guó)建立以來，每一代的美國(guó)人都曾應(yīng)召以驗(yàn)證其對(duì)國(guó)家的忠誠(chéng)。響應(yīng)此項(xiàng)召喚而服軍役的美國(guó)青年人的墳?zāi)贡椴既蚋魈帯?/p>

現(xiàn)在那號(hào)角又再度召喚我們--不是號(hào)召我們肩起武器，雖然武器是我們所需要的;不是號(hào)召我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們準(zhǔn)備應(yīng)戰(zhàn);那是號(hào)召我們年復(fù)一年肩負(fù)起持久和勝敗未分的斗爭(zhēng)，“在希望中歡樂，在患難中忍耐”;這是一場(chǎng)對(duì)抗人類公敵--暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身--的斗爭(zhēng)。

我們能否結(jié)成一個(gè)遍及東西南北的全球性偉大聯(lián)盟來對(duì)付這些敵人，來確保全人類享有更為富裕的生活?你們是否愿意參與這歷史性的努力?

在世界的悠久歷史中，只有很少幾個(gè)世代的人賦有這種在自由遭遇最大危機(jī)時(shí)保衛(wèi)自由的任務(wù)。我決不在這責(zé)任之前退縮;我歡迎它。我不相信我們中間會(huì)有人愿意跟別人及別的世代交換地位。我們?cè)谶@場(chǎng)努力中所獻(xiàn)出的精力、信念與虔誠(chéng)、將照亮我們的國(guó)家以及所有為國(guó)家服務(wù)的人，而從這一火焰所聚出的光輝必能照明全世界。

所以，同胞們：不要問你們的國(guó)家能為你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國(guó)家做些什么。

全世界的公民：不要問美國(guó)愿為你們做些什么，而應(yīng)問我們?cè)谝黄鹉転槿祟惖淖杂勺鲂┦裁础?/p>

最后，不管你是美國(guó)的公民或世界它國(guó)的公民，請(qǐng)將我們所要求于你們的有關(guān)力量與犧牲的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)拿來要求我們。我們唯一可靠的報(bào)酬是問心無(wú)愧，我們行為的最后裁判者是歷史，讓我們向前引導(dǎo)我們所摯愛的國(guó)土，企求上帝的保佑與扶攜，但我們知道，在這個(gè)世界上，上帝的任務(wù)肯定就是我們自己所應(yīng)肩負(fù)的任務(wù)。

第9篇 奧巴馬總統(tǒng)就美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)和外交政策發(fā)布會(huì)演講稿

good afternoon, everybody. happy friday. i thought i’d take somequestions, but first, let me say a few words about the economy.

this morning, we learned that our economy created over 200,000 new jobs in july. that’s ontop of about 300,000 new jobs in june. so we are now in a si_-month streak with at least200,000 new jobs each month. that’s the first time that has happened since 1997. over thepast year, we’ve added more jobs than any year since 2022. and all told, our businesses havecreated 9.9 million new jobs over the past 53 months. that’s the longest streak of privatesector job creation in our history.

and as we saw on wednesday, the economy grew at a strong pace in the spring. companies areinvesting. consumers are spending. american manufacturing, energy, technology, autos -- allare booming. and thanks to the decisions that we’ve made, and the grit and resilience of theamerican people, we’ve recovered faster and come farther from the recession than almost anyother advanced country on earth.

so the good news is the economy clearly is getting stronger. things are getting better. ourengines are revving a little bit louder. and the decisions that we make right now can sustainand keep that growth and momentum going.

unfortunately, there are a series of steps that we could be taking to maintain momentum, andperhaps even accelerate it; there are steps that we could be taking that would result in morejob growth, higher wages, higher incomes, more relief for middle-class families. and so far, atleast, in congress, we have not seen them willing or able to take those steps.

i’ve been pushing for common-sense ideas like rebuilding our infrastructure in ways that aresustained over many years and support millions of good jobs and help businesses compete.i’ve been advocating on behalf of raising the minimum wage, making it easier for working folksto pay off their student loans; fair pay, paid leave. all these policies have two things incommon: all of them would help working families feel more stable and secure, and all of themso far have been blocked or ignored by republicans in congress. that’s why myadministration keeps taking whatever actions we can take on our own to help working families.

now, it’s good that congress was able to pass legislation to strengthen the va. and i want tothank the chairmen and ranking members who were involved in that. it’s good that congresswas able to at least fund transportation projects for a few more months before leaving town --although it falls far short of the kind of infrastructure effort that we need that would actuallyaccelerate the economy. but for the most part, the big-ticket items, the things that wouldreally make a difference in the lives of middle-class families, those things just are not gettingdone.

let’s just take a recent e_ample: immigration. we all agree that there’s a problem that needsto be solved in a portion of our southern border. and we even agree on most of the solutions.but instead of working together -- instead of focusing on the 80 percent where there isagreement between democrats and republicans, between the administration and congress --house republicans, as we speak, are trying to pass the most e_treme and unworkable versionsof a bill that they already know is going nowhere, that can’t pass the senate and that if it wereto pass the senate i would veto. they know it.

they’re not even trying to actually solve the problem. this is a message bill that they couldn’tquite pull off yesterday, so they made it a little more e_treme so maybe they can pass it today-- just so they can check a bo_ before they’re leaving town for a month. and this is on an issuethat they all insisted had to be a top priority.

now, our efforts administratively so far have helped to slow the tide of child migrants trying tocome to our country. but without additional resources and help from congress, we’re just notgoing to have the resources we need to fully solve the problem. that means while they’re outon vacation i’m going to have to make some tough choices to meet the challenge -- with orwithout congress.

and yesterday, even though they’ve been sitting on a bipartisan immigration bill for over ayear, house republicans suggested that since they don’t e_pect to actually pass a bill that i cansign, that i actually should go ahead and act on my own to solve the problem. keep in mindthat just a few days earlier, they voted to sue me for acting on my own. and then when theycouldn’t pass a bill yesterday, they put out a statement suggesting i should act on my ownbecause they couldn’t pass a bill.

第10篇 奧巴馬總統(tǒng)每周電臺(tái)英語(yǔ)演講稿

hi, everybody. this week, america came together tosalute our veterans – to e_press our appreciationto all who served so that we might live free. but ourgratitude should e_tend beyond what our veteranshave done for us in the past. it should remind us ofour responsibilities to serve them as well as theyhave served us. it should compel us to keep ourveterans central to the ongoing work of this nation.

in recent years, we've made historic investments toboost the va budget, e_pand veterans' benefits,and improve care for our wounded warriors. we've now slashed the disability claims backlog bynearly 90 percent from its peak. we're reducing the outrage of veterans' homelessness andwe've helped tens of thousands of veterans get off the streets. the veterans' unemploymentrate is down to 3.9 percent – even lower than the national average.

of course, we're not satisfied. we've still got more work to do – and i've directed myadministration to keep doing everything it can to fulfill our promise to our veterans. but thisisn't just a job for government alone. we all have a role to play. less than one percent ofamericans are serving in uniform. so it's true most americans don't always see andappreciate the incredible skills and assets that our veterans can offer. but every americanshould know that our veterans are some of the most talented, capable people in the world.they've mastered skills and technologies and leadership roles that are impossible to teach offthe battlefield. they know how to get stuff done.

and as our veterans will tell you themselves, they're not finished serving their country. they'reteachers and doctors, engineers and entrepreneurs, social workers and community leaders.they serve in statehouses across the country and in congress. as i tell small business ownersand ceos on a regular basis, if you want to get the job done, hire a vet. every sector, everyindustry, every community in this country can benefit from the incredible talents of ourveterans.

our troops and veterans give us their very best. that's what a soldier named captain florentgroberg proved. three years ago, on patrol in afghanistan, flo saw a suicide bomber comingtoward his unit. without hesitating, flo grabbed him by his vest and helped push him to theground. when the bomb went off, flo was badly injured, and four of his comrades were killed.but many more were saved because of flo's sacrifice. flo represents the very best of america –and this week, i was proud to present him with the medal of honor for his actions.

veterans like flo, they deserve our undying gratitude. they deserve the chance to keepserving the country they risked everything to defend. and so we must come together to keepgiving them that chance, not just on veterans day, but on every single day of the year. maygod bless all those who serve and all who have given their lives for our country. and may godbless the united states of america.

第11篇 美國(guó)總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職英語(yǔ)演講稿

美國(guó)總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演講稿(英文版)

president hoover, mr. chief justice, my friends:

this is a day of national consecration. and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans e_pect that on my induction into the presidency, i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.

this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. this great nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

in such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunk to fantastic levels; ta_es have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of e_change are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of e_istence, and an equally great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

and yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. we are stricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

primarily, this is because the rulers of the e_change of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

true, they have tried. but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to e_hortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. we may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. the measure of that restoration lies in the e_tent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. the joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.

our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.

we must act. we must act quickly.

and finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. there must be an end to speculation with other people's money. and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.

through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. i favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the united states of america -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery. it is the immediate way. it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

in the field of world policy, i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.

we are, i know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet e_traordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

it has met every stress of vast e_pansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of e_ecutive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

i am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. these measures, or such other measures as the congress may build out of its e_perience and wisdom, i shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

but, in the event that the congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, i shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. i shall ask the congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad e_ecutive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

for the trust reposed in me, i will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. i can do no less.

we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

we do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. the people of the united states have not failed. in their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift i take it.

in this dedication -- in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessing of god.

may he protect each and every one of us.

may he guide me in the days to come.

美國(guó)總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演講稿(中文版)

胡佛總統(tǒng)，首席法官先生，朋友們：

今天，對(duì)我們的國(guó)家來說，是一個(gè)神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞們都期待我在就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)，會(huì)像我國(guó)目前形勢(shì)所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話?，F(xiàn)在正是坦白、勇敢地說出實(shí)話，說出全部實(shí)話的最好時(shí)刻。我們不必畏首畏尾，不老老實(shí)實(shí)面對(duì)我國(guó)今天的情況。這個(gè)偉大的國(guó)家會(huì)一如既往地堅(jiān)持下去，它會(huì)復(fù)興和繁榮起來。因此，讓我首先表明我的堅(jiān)定信念：我們唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無(wú)根據(jù)的恐懼，它把人轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)所需的種種努力化為泡影。凡在我國(guó)生活陰云密布的時(shí)刻，坦率而有活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)都得到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準(zhǔn)備了必不可少的條件。我相信，在目前危急時(shí)刻，大家會(huì)再次給予同樣的支持。

我和你們都要以這種精神，來面對(duì)我們共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難只是物質(zhì)方面的。價(jià)值難以想象地貶縮了;課稅增加了;我們的支付能力下降了;各級(jí)政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺;交換手段在貿(mào)易過程中遭到了凍結(jié);工業(yè)企業(yè)枯萎的落葉到處可見;農(nóng)場(chǎng)主的產(chǎn)品找不到銷路;千家萬(wàn)戶多年的積蓄付之東流。

更重要的是，大批失業(yè)公民正面臨嚴(yán)峻的生存問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動(dòng)換取微薄的報(bào)酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會(huì)否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實(shí)。

但是，我們的苦惱決不是因?yàn)槿狈ξ镔Y。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲的災(zāi)害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無(wú)畏一次次轉(zhuǎn)危為安，比起他們經(jīng)歷過的險(xiǎn)阻，我們?nèi)源罂筛械叫牢?。大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我們見到這種 情景的時(shí)候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因?yàn)橹髟兹祟愇镔Y交換的統(tǒng)治者們失敗了，他們固執(zhí)己見而又無(wú)能為力，因而已經(jīng)認(rèn)定失敗了，并撒手不管了。貪得無(wú)厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑。將受到輿論法庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈理智的唾棄。

是的，他們是努力過，然而他們用的是一種完全過時(shí)的方法。面對(duì)信貸的失敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢。沒有了當(dāng)誘餌引誘 人民追隨他們的錯(cuò)誤領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的金錢，他們只得求助于講道，含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心。他們只知自我追求者們的處世規(guī)則。他們沒有眼光，而沒有眼光的人是要滅亡的。

如今，貨幣兌換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃。我們要以千古不變的真理來重建這座廟宇。衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現(xiàn)比金錢利益更高尚的社會(huì)價(jià)值的程度。

幸福并不在于單純地占有金錢;幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創(chuàng)造努力時(shí)的激情。務(wù)必不能再忘記勞動(dòng)帶來的喜悅和激勵(lì)，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤(rùn)。如果這些暗淡的時(shí)日能使我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們真正的天命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務(wù)，那么，我們付出的代價(jià)就完全是值得的。

認(rèn)識(shí)到把物質(zhì)財(cái)富當(dāng)作成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是錯(cuò)誤的，我們就會(huì)拋棄以地位尊嚴(yán)和個(gè)人收益為唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，來衡量公職和高級(jí)政治地位的錯(cuò)誤信念;我們必須制止銀行界和企業(yè)界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無(wú)情和自私的不正當(dāng)行為。難怪信心在減弱，信心，只有靠誠(chéng)實(shí)、信譽(yù)、忠心維護(hù)和無(wú)私履行職責(zé)。而沒有這些，就不可能有信心。

但是，復(fù)興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念。這個(gè)國(guó)家要求行動(dòng)起來，現(xiàn)在就行動(dòng)起來。

我們最大、最基本的任務(wù)是讓人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣，這個(gè)問題就可以解決。這可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象對(duì)待臨戰(zhàn)的緊要關(guān)頭一樣，但同時(shí)，在有了人手的情況下，我們還急需能刺激并重組巨大自然資源的工程。

我們齊心協(xié)力，但必須坦白地承認(rèn)工業(yè)中心的人口失衡，我們必須在全國(guó)范圍內(nèi)重新分配，使土地在最適合的人手中發(fā)表?yè)]更大作用。

明確地為提高農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)值并以此購(gòu)買城市產(chǎn)品所做的努力，會(huì)有助于任務(wù)的完成。避免許多小家庭業(yè)、農(nóng)場(chǎng)業(yè)被取消贖取抵押品的權(quán)利的悲劇也有助于任務(wù)的完成。聯(lián)邦、州、各地政府立即行動(dòng)回應(yīng)要求降價(jià)的呼聲，有助于任務(wù)的完成。將現(xiàn)在常常是分散不經(jīng)濟(jì)、不平等的救濟(jì)活動(dòng)統(tǒng)一起來有助于任務(wù)的完成。對(duì)所有公共交通運(yùn)輸，通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設(shè)施作全國(guó)性的計(jì)劃及監(jiān)督有助于任務(wù)的完成。許多事情都有助于任務(wù)完成，但這些決不包括空談。我們必須行動(dòng)，立即行動(dòng)。

最后，為了重新開始工作，我們需要兩手防御，來抗御舊秩序惡魔卷土從來;一定要有嚴(yán)格監(jiān)督銀行業(yè)、信貸及投資的機(jī)制：一定要杜絕投機(jī);一定要有充足而健康的貨幣供應(yīng)。

以上這些，朋友們，就是施政方針。我要在特別會(huì)議上敦促新國(guó)會(huì)給予詳細(xì)實(shí)施方案，并且，我要向18個(gè)州請(qǐng)求立即的援助。

通過行動(dòng)，我們將予以我們自己一個(gè)有秩序的國(guó)家大廈，使收入大于支出。我們的國(guó)際貿(mào)易，雖然很重要，但現(xiàn)在在時(shí)間和必要性上，次于對(duì)本國(guó)健康經(jīng)濟(jì)的建立。我建議，作為可行的策略、首要事務(wù)先行。雖然我將不遺余力通過國(guó)際經(jīng)濟(jì)重新協(xié)調(diào)所來恢復(fù)國(guó)際貿(mào)易，但我認(rèn)為國(guó)內(nèi)的緊急情況無(wú)法等待這重新協(xié)調(diào)的完成。

指導(dǎo)這一特別的全國(guó)性復(fù)蘇的基本思想并非狹隘的國(guó)家主義。我首先考慮的是堅(jiān)持美國(guó)這一整體中各部分的相互依賴性--這是對(duì)美國(guó)式的開拓精神的古老而永恒的證明的體現(xiàn)。這才是復(fù)蘇之路，是即時(shí)之路，是保證復(fù)蘇功效持久之路。

在國(guó)際政策方面，我將使美國(guó)采取睦鄰友好的政策。做一個(gè)決心自重，因此而尊重鄰國(guó)的國(guó)家。做一個(gè)履行義務(wù)，尊重與他國(guó)協(xié)約的國(guó)家。

如果我對(duì)人民的心情的了解正確的話，我想我們已認(rèn)識(shí)到了我們從未認(rèn)識(shí)的問題，我們是互相依存的，我們不可以只索取，我們還必須奉獻(xiàn)。我們前進(jìn)時(shí)，必須象一支訓(xùn)練有素的忠誠(chéng)的軍隊(duì)，愿意為共同的原則而獻(xiàn)身，因?yàn)?，沒有這些原則，就無(wú)法取得進(jìn)步，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)就不可能得力。我們都已做好準(zhǔn)備，并愿意為此原則獻(xiàn)出生命和財(cái)產(chǎn)，因?yàn)檫@將使志在建設(shè)更美好社會(huì)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)成為可能。我倡議，為了更偉大的目標(biāo)，我們所有的人，以一致的職責(zé)緊緊團(tuán)結(jié)起來。這是神圣的義務(wù)，非戰(zhàn)亂，不停止。

有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔(dān)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)偉大人民大軍的任務(wù)，致力于對(duì)我們普遍問題的強(qiáng)攻。這樣的行動(dòng)，這樣的目標(biāo)，在我們從祖先手中接過的政府中是可行的。我們的憲法如此簡(jiǎn)單，實(shí)在。它隨時(shí)可以應(yīng)付特殊情況，只需對(duì)重點(diǎn)和安排加以修改而不喪失中心思想，正因?yàn)槿绱耍覀兊膽椃w制已自證為是最有適應(yīng)性的政治體制。它已應(yīng)付過巨大的國(guó)土擴(kuò)張、外戰(zhàn)、內(nèi)亂及國(guó)際關(guān)系所帶來的壓力。

而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地?fù)?dān)負(fù)前所未有的任務(wù)。但現(xiàn)在前所未有的對(duì)緊急行動(dòng)的需要要求國(guó)民暫時(shí)丟棄平常生活節(jié)奏，緊迫起來。

讓我們正視面前的嚴(yán)峻歲月，懷著舉國(guó)一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著尋求傳統(tǒng)的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識(shí)，懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得到的問心無(wú)愧的滿足。我們的目標(biāo)是要保證國(guó)民生活的圓滿和長(zhǎng)治久安。

我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國(guó)人民并沒有失敗。他們?cè)诶щy中表達(dá)了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動(dòng)。他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方向。他們現(xiàn)在選擇了我作為實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的愿望的工具。我接受這份厚贈(zèng)。

在此舉國(guó)奉獻(xiàn)之際，我們謙卑地請(qǐng)求上帝賜福。愿上帝保信我們大家和每一個(gè)人，愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我。

第12篇 奧巴馬總統(tǒng)、第一夫人米歇爾·奧巴馬2022年圣誕節(jié)英語(yǔ)演講稿

the president: hello everybody, and happy holidays.

the first lady: we know how busy this time of year is for everyone, so we’re not going totake much of your time.

but we did want to take a moment to wish you all a merry christmas, from our family to yours.

the president: this is a season for millions of americans to be together with family, tocontinue long-held holiday traditions, and to show our gratitude to those we love. and alongthe way, some of us might even watch a little basketball or eat some christmas cookies, too.

the first lady: here at the white house, over the past few weeks, we’ve had about 70,000people from all across the country come visit us and look at our holiday decorations.

this year’s theme was “gather around: stories of the season.”

and in every room of the house, we tried to tell a story about who we are as americans and howwe celebrate the holidays together.

and we made certain to highlight some of the most powerful stories we know—the stories ofour outstanding troops, veterans, and military families and their service and sacrifice for ourcountry.

the president: our e_traordinary men and women in uniform are serving so that therest of us can enjoy the blessings we cherish during the holidays. but that means many of ourtroops are far from home and far from family. they’re spending some e_tra time on the phonewith their loved ones back home. or they’re setting up video chats so they can watch as thepresents are opened. so today, we want all of our troops to know that you’re in our thoughtsand prayers this holiday season.

and here’s the good news: for many of our troops and newest veterans, this might be the firsttime in years that they’ve been with their families on christmas. in fact, with the iraq war overand the transition in afghanistan, fewer of our men and women in uniform are deployed inharm’s way than at any time in the last decade.

the first lady: and that’s something we all can be thankful for.

and with more and more of our troops back here at home, now it’s our turn to serve—it’s ourturn to step up and show our gratitude for the military families who have given us so much.

and that’s why jill biden and i started our joining forces initiative—to rally all americans tosupport our military families in ways large and small.

and again and again, we have been overwhelmed by the response we’ve gotten as folks fromacross the country have found new ways to give back to these families through their schools,businesses, and houses of worship.

the president: that’s the same spirit of giving that connects all of us during the holidays.so many people all across the country are helping out at soup kitchens, buying gifts for childrenin need, or organizing food or clothing drives for their neighbors. for families like ours, thatservice is a chance to celebrate the birth of christ and live out what he taught us – to love ourneighbors as we would ourselves; to feed the hungry and look after the sick; to be our brother’skeeper and our sister’s keeper. and for all of us as americans, regardless of our faith, those arevalues that can drive us to be better parents and friends, better neighbors and better citizens.

the first lady: so as we look to the new year, let’s pledge ourselves to living out thosevalues by reaching out and lifting up those in our communities who could use a hand up.

the president: so merry christmas, everyone. and from the two of us, as well as malia,sasha, grandma, bo…

the first lady: and sunny, the newest obama.

the president: we wish you all a blessed and safe holiday season.

the first lady: happy holidays everybody, and god bless.

第13篇 美國(guó)總統(tǒng)悼念愛德華·肯尼迪英語(yǔ)演講稿

one of the most accomplished americans ever to serve our democracy

remarks by the president

on the passing of senator edward m. kennedy

blue heron farm

chilmark, massachusetts

9:57 a.m. edt

the president: i wanted to say a few words this morning about the passing of an e_traordinary leader, senator edward kennedy.

over the past several years, i've had the honor to call teddy a colleague, a counselor, and a friend. and even though we have known this day was coming for some time now, we awaited it with no small amount of dread.

since teddy's diagnosis last year, we've seen the courage with which he battled his illness. and while these months have no doubt been difficult for him, they've also let him hear from people in every corner of our nation and from around the world just how much he meant to all of us. his fight has given us the opportunity we were denied when his brothers john and robert were taken from us: the blessing of time to say thank you -- and goodbye.

the outpouring of love, gratitude, and fond memories to which we've all borne witness is a testament to the way this singular figure in american history touched so many lives. his ideas and ideals are stamped on scores of laws and reflected in millions of lives -- in seniors who know new dignity, in families that know new opportunity, in children who know education's promise, and in all who can pursue their dream in an america that is more equal and more just -- including myself.

the kennedy name is synonymous with the democratic party. and at times, ted was the target of partisan campaign attacks. but in the united states senate, i can think of no one who engendered greater respect or affection from members of both sides of the aisle. his seriousness of purpose was perpetually matched by humility, warmth, and good cheer. he could passionately battle others and do so peerlessly on the senate floor for the causes that he held dear, and yet still maintain warm friendships across party lines.

and that's one reason he became not only one of the greatest senators of our time, but one of the most accomplished americans ever to serve our democracy.

his e_traordinary life on this earth has come to an end. and the e_traordinary good that he did lives on. for his family, he was a guardian. for america, he was the defender of a dream.

i spoke earlier this morning to senator kennedy's beloved wife, vicki, who was to the end such a wonderful source of encouragement and strength. our thoughts and prayers are with her, his children kara, edward, and patrick; his stepchildren curran and caroline; the entire kennedy family; decades' worth of his staff; the people of massachusetts; and all americans who, like us, loved ted kennedy.

end

10:00 a.m. edt

第14篇 2022年奧巴馬總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選演講稿

four years ago as i had the privilege to travel all across the country and meet americans from all walks of life. i decided nobody else should have to endure the heartbreak of a broken health care system. no one in the wealthiest nation on earth should go because they get sick. nobody should have to tell their daughters or sons the decisions they can and cannot make for themselves are constrained because of some politicians in washington.

四年前我有幸周游了全國(guó)，遇到了各行各業(yè)的人們。我下定了決心不讓任何人由于醫(yī)療保健系統(tǒng)的不健全而心碎，不讓這個(gè)世界上最富有的的國(guó)家的任何人因?yàn)榧膊《F困潦倒。不讓任何人需要告訴自己的子女，他們能做什么，不能做什么，會(huì)由華盛頓的某些政客而左右。

and thanks to you, we’ve made a difference in people’s lives. thanks to you. there are folks that i meet today who have gotten care and their cancer’s been caught. and they’ve got treatment. and they are living full lives and it happened because of you.

感謝你們，人們的生活才有了更多不同。感謝你們，讓今天的我遇到的很多人得到了關(guān)懷，得到了治療。他們能夠繼續(xù)完整地生活，這些都離不開你們。

we've come too far to turn back now. we've got too much work to do to implement health care. we've got too much work to do to create good jobs. we've got too many teachers that we've got to hire. we've got too many schools that we've got to rebuild. we've got too many students who still need affordable higher education.

我們已經(jīng)經(jīng)歷了那么多，現(xiàn)在不該回頭。要落實(shí)醫(yī)療改革，要?jiǎng)?chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，我們還有太多要做。有太多老師等著我們?nèi)フ骷?，有太多學(xué)校需要我們?nèi)ブ亟?，有太多學(xué)生需要讓他們負(fù)擔(dān)得起的大學(xué)。

there's more homegrown energy to generate. there are more troops that we've got to bring home. there are more doors of opportunity we've got to open to anybody who is willing to work hard and walk through those doors. we've got to keep building an economy. or no matter what you look like or where you come from, you can make it here if you try. and you can leave something behind for the ne_t generation. that's what at stake right now in colorado. that's why i'm running for president of the united states of america. that's why i'm asking for your vote.

有太多本土能源要去生產(chǎn)，有更多的軍隊(duì)需要回歸祖國(guó)，有更多的機(jī)會(huì)之門需要我們?nèi)ゴ蜷_，讓那些愿意努力工作的人們有機(jī)會(huì)成功。我們要繼續(xù)發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)。做到無(wú)論你是何種膚色，來自何方，只要你努力就可以成功。你就可以為下一代創(chuàng)造更好的條件。這是我們?cè)诳屏_拉多州要爭(zhēng)奪的。這是為什么我要競(jìng)選美國(guó)總統(tǒng)。這是為什么我希望你們投票給我。

i still believe in you. and if you still believe in me, and if you're willing to stand with me, and knock on some doors with me, and make some phone calls with me, and talk to your neighbors and friends about what's at stake, we will win this election. we will finish what we started. and we'll remind the world why america is the greatest nation on earth.

我依舊相信你們。如果你們依舊相信我，如果你們?cè)敢庵С治?，和我一起去叩門拜訪，和我一起打電話，告訴你的鄰居和朋友們，我們?cè)跔?zhēng)取什么，那我們就能在這場(chǎng)競(jìng)選中獲得勝利。我們就會(huì)像上次那樣贏得最終勝利。

god bless you and god bless the united states of america.

上帝護(hù)佑你，上帝護(hù)佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。

第15篇 奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在2022年《華爾街日?qǐng)?bào)》ceo理事會(huì)年會(huì)英語(yǔ)演講稿

the president: thank you so much. (applause.) everybody, please have a seat. thankyou.

well, it is wonderful to be here,and i always look forward to an opportunity to speak tosome of our topbusinesses across the country who are hiring people, investing inamerica,making the economy run. and many of youi’ve had a chance to interact with before. asyou know, oftentimes when i do something like this, i want to spendmore time answeringquestions and having a conversation than giving any formalremarks. let me just provide alittlebit of an introduction.

obviously, over the last coupleof months, most of the o_ygen in this town has beenconsumed with two things --one, the government shutdown and the possibility of default thatwas ultimatelyresolved; and the second has been the rollout of the affordable care act andthefact that my website is not working the way it’s supposed to. and it’s entirely legitimate thatthose havebeen issues of great concern.

the impact of the shutdown andthe threat of default i think not only did some significantdamage to theeconomy at a time when we didn’t need self-inflicted wounds, but it also spoketosome of the larger problems we’ve seen here in washington, and the sense ofdysfunction andthe seeming incapacity of both parties in congress to worktogether to advance an agendathat’s going to help us grow.

with respect to the affordablecare act, i think people are legitimately concerned becausewe have a majorproblem with health care in this country -- 41 million people withouthealthinsurance, a lot of people underinsured. and once again, how we fi_ a health care systemthat’s been broken fortoo many people for too long i think ends up speaking to how muchconfidence wehave in government and whether we still have the capacity, collectively, tobringabout changes that are going to be good for our economy, good for ourbusinesses, good for theamerican people.

i do want to say, though, thatbeyond the headlines, we have made real progress in theeconomy, and sometimesthat hasn’t gotten enough attention. some of the tough decisions thatwe made early on have paid off --decisions that helped us not only recover from a crisis, butbegin to lay astronger foundation for future growth.

we refocused on manufacturinge_ports, and today, our businesses sell more goods andservices made in americathan ever before around the world. aftera decade of shedding jobs,our manufacturing sector has now added about half amillion new jobs, and it’s led by anamerican auto industry that has comeroaring back after decades of decline.

we decided to reverse ourdependence on foreign oil, and today, we generate morerenewable energy thanever before and more natural gas than anybody in the world. and for thefirst time in nearly 20 years,america now produces more of our own oil than we buy from othercountries.

when i took office, we invested afraction of what other countries did in wirelessinfrastructure, and today, it’sup nearly 50 percent, helping companies unleash jobs,innovation and a boomingapp economy that’s created more than 500,000 jobs. when i tookoffice, only 5 percent of theworld’s smartphones ran on american operating systems. today,more than 80 percent do.

and it’s not just in thehigh-tech economy that we’re seeing progress. for e_ample,american farmers are on pace to have one of their bestyears in decades, and they haveconsistently been able to e_port more, makemore profits and help restore rural economiesthan when we came into office.

and, yes, we decided to take on abroken health care system. and even though the rollout ofthe new health caremarketplace has been rough, to say the least, about half a millionamericansare now poised to gain health care coverage beginning january 1st. that’s after onlya month of sign-up. we also have seen health care costs growingat the slowest rate in 50 years.employer-based health costs are growing at about one-third of the rateof a decade ago, andthat has an impact on your bottom line.

and after years oftrillion-dollar deficits, we reined in spending, wound down two wars, andbeganto change a ta_ code that i believe was too skewed towards the wealthiest amongus atthe e_pense of the middle class. and since i took office, we have now cut our deficits by morethan half.

add it all up, and businesseslike yours have created 7.8 million new jobs over the past 44months. we’ve gone farther and recovered faster thanmost other advanced nations. and so inalot of ways, america is poised for a breakout. we are in a good position to compete aroundthe world in the 21stcentury.

the question is, are we going torealize that potential? and that meansthat we’ve still gotsome more work to do. our stock markets and corporate profits are soaring, but we’ve gottomake sure that this remains a country where everyone who works hard can getahead. andthat means we’ve still got toaddress long-term unemployment. we stillhave to addressstagnant wages and stagnant incomes.

and frankly, we’ve got to stopgoverning by crisis here in this town. because if it weren’t forwashington’s dysfunction, i think all of usagree we’d be a lot further along. theshutdown andthe threat of default harmed our jobs market, they cost oureconomy about $5 billion, andeconomists predict it will slow our gdp growththis quarter -- and it didn’t need to happen. itwas self-inflicted. we shouldnot be injuring ourselves every few months. we should be investingin ourselves. and in a sensible world, that starts with a budget that cuts what we don’tneed,closes wasteful loopholes, and helps us afford to invest in the thingsthat we know will helpbusinesses like yours and the economy as a whole --education, infrastructure, basic researchand development.

we would have a grand bargain formiddle-class jobs that combines ta_ reform with afinancing mechanism that letsus create jobs, rebuilding infrastructure that your businessesdepend on, butwe haven’t gotten as much take-up from the other side as we’d like to see sofar.we have the opportunity forbipartisan authority to negotiate the best trade deals possible sobusinessesand workers can take advantage of new markets that are opening up aroundtheworld. we haven’t seen the kind oftake-up from the other side that we’d like to see so far.

we’ve got the opportunity to fi_a broken immigration system that strengthens oureconomy and our nationalsecurity. the good news here is thesenate has already passed abipartisan bill that economists say would grow oureconomy by $1.4 trillion and shrink ourdeficits by nearly a trillion over thene_t two decades. you wouldn’t turn downa deal that good,and congress shouldn’t either. so i’m hoping that speaker boehner and thehouse ofrepresentatives can still work with us to get that done.

and we need to be going all outto prepare our kids and our workers for the demands of a21st-centuryeconomy. i’ve proposed giving everychild an early start at success by making high-quality preschool available toevery four-year-old in america. we knowthat you get more bangfor the buck when it comes to early childhood educationthan just about anything else, andyou’ve got great e_amples around thecountry, oftentimes in red states, that are doing just that.we need to make that same investment.

we’re working to bring down thecosts of a college degree so more young people can get ahigher education. and one thing that i’m very e_cited about --and this has been a goode_ample of a public-private partnership -- is the ideaof redesigning our high schools to makesure that more young people gethands-on training and develop the skills that they need,particularly in math,science and engineering, that businesses are looking for. and in fact, todaywe’re announcing acompetitive grant program that will encourage more high schools topartner withcolleges and local businesses to better prepare our kids for college or acareer. andin december, i’ll bebringing together college presidents and other leaders to figure out waystohelp more low-income students attend and to succeed in college.

so just to sum up, my basicmessage is this: we know what thechallenges are. we knowwhat thesolutions are. some of them are tough,but what’s holding us back is not a lack of goodpolicy ideas or even what usedto be considered good bipartisan policy ideas. we just have tobreak through the stubborn cycle of crisis politics andstart working together. moreobstruction,more brinkmanship won’t help anybody. it doesn’t help folks politically. my understanding isnobody in this town isdoing particularly well at the moment when it comes to the opinions oftheamerican people, but it certainly doesn’t help anybody economically.

on many of the issues, i thinkyou and i would agree, and i want you to know that i’mrooting for yoursuccess, and i look forward to making sure that we are able in theremainingthree years that i’m president to work together to not only improve thebusinessclimate, but also improve the prospects for americans all across thecountry who have beentreading water, feel like they’re losing ground, arean_ious about the future and their children’sfutures, but i think are stillhopeful and still possess that fundamental american optimism. ifthey see leadership working across theboard on their behalf, then i’m confident that we canmake enormous progress.

so with that, why don’t we getjerry up here and i’ll start answering his questions. i hope headds some input. (laughter.) if he starts asking me about whathappened to the kansas citychiefs, i’m not sure i’ll have a good answer forthat one. (applause.)

well, thank you, mr. president. let me start by thanking you officially forjoining us today. ithink you probablysee a lot of familiar faces out there, most friendly, most of them. and i wouldalso note that you’re gettinghere a little late. congressman paulryan is coming later. he isgoing to gethere a little early. so if you guysoverlap a little bit, maybe we can just get someproblems solved righthere. what do you think?

the president: let’s do it. (laughter.) let’s do it.

it’s your chance. we have talked amongst ourselves or tried tosort of take the sense of theroom. so i’mgoing to try to reflect some of the conversations that have been going on hereinthe questions i’m going to ask you. you’ll not be stunned that i’m going to ask you abouthealth care first.

you indicated there and you’veindicated publicly quite clearly that the rollout has beendifficult. what do you think you’ve learned from thise_perience about the government’s abilityto do this sort of thing, about thelaw itself, or about your own administration?

the president: well, there are a couple of things. number one is that this has been abigproblem for a very long time and so it was always going to be challenging notjust to pass alaw, but also to implement it. there’s a reason why, despite a century of talking about it,nobody hadbeen able to successfully try to deal with some of the underlying problems inthehealth care system.

the good news is that many of theelements of the affordable care act are already in placeand are workinge_actly the way they’re supposed to. somaking sure that consumers who haveemployer-based health insurance are gettinga better deal and that are protected from some ofthe fine print that left themin the lurch when they actually got sick -- that’s in place. makingsure that young people under the ageof 26 can stay on their parents’ plan -- that’s helped 3million childrenalready. that’s making adifference. helping seniors to getbetter prescriptiondrug prices -- that’s already helped millions of seniorsand billions of dollars in savings. rebatesfor people who see insurance companies who are not spendingenough on actual care, more onadministrative costs or profits, they’re gettingrebates. they may not know it’s theaffordablecare act that’s giving them rebates, but it’s happening. so there were a number of things thatwerealready in place over the last three years that got implemented effectively.

the other thing that hasn’t beentalked about a lot is cost. there was a lot of skepticismwhen we passed theaffordable care act that we were going to be giving a lot of people care butweweren’t doing anything about the underlying costs. and, in fact, over the last three years,we’veseen health care costs grow at the slowest pace in 50 years. and that affects the bottomlines ofeverybody here.

and there are a lot of smartdelivery system reforms that slowly across the system are beingimplemented andthey’re making a big difference. andthat’s saving us money. that’s why, bytheway, some of the projections that in terms of what the affordable care actwould do to deficitshave actually proved even better than we had originallye_pected.

what i have learned, though, withrespect to setting up these marketplaces -- which areessentially mechanismswhere people who are currently in the individual market or don’t havehealthinsurance at all can join together, shop, and insurance companies will competefor theirbusiness -- setting those things up is very challenging justmechanically.

the good news is that choice andcompetition has actually worked and insurers came in withbids that were evenlower than people e_pected -- about 16 percent lower than had originallybeenprojected.

the challenge has been justmaking sure that consumers are actually able to get on awebsite, see thosechoices, and shop. and i think that weprobably underestimated thecomple_ities of building out a website that neededto work the way it should.

there is a larger problem that iprobably -- speak personally, but also as theadministration -- could haveidentified earlier, and that is the way the federal government doesprocurementand does it is just generally not very efficient. in fact, there’s probably no biggergapbetween the private sector and the public sector than it.

and we’ve seen that in, fore_ample, the va and the department of defense trying to dealwith electronicmedical records for our servicemen as they move into civilian life. most of thatstuff is still done on paper. we’ve spent billions of dollars -- i’m notsaying “we” as in myadministration, i mean we’ve now had about a decade ofe_perimentation, spent billions ofdollars and it’s still not working the wayit should.

so what we probably needed to doon the front end was to blow up how we procure for it,especially on a systemthis complicated. we did not do thatsuccessfully. now, we are gettingitfi_ed, but it would have been better to do it on the front end rather than theback end.

and the last point i’ll make isthat in terms of e_pectation setting, there’s no doubt that inan environmentin which we had to fight tooth and nail to get this passed, it ended upbeingpassed on a partisan basis -- not for lack of trying, because i met with anawful lot ofrepublicans to try to get them to go along -- but because therewas just ideological resistanceto the idea of dealing with the uninsured andpeople with pree_isting conditions. there was aprice to that, and it was that what was already going to behard was operating within a verydifficult political environment. and we should have anticipated that thatwould create arockier rollout than if democrats and republicans were bothinvested in success.

one of the problems we’ve had isone side of capitol hill is invested in failure, and thatmakes, i think, thekind of iterative process of fi_ing glitches as they come up and fine-tuningthe law more challenging. but i’moptimistic that we can get it fi_ed.

well, that’s the question i was going toask ne_t. is it possible you’ve lostenough time hereand enough potential customers in the e_changes that you’renot going to reach the criticalmass of signups that you need to make themarketplace work? is that a danger thatyou have toworry about right now?

the president: well, it’s something that we have to payattention to. but keep in mindthat thismodel of marketplaces was based on what was done in massachusetts, andthee_perience in massachusetts was that in the first month, 153 or 163 people signedup out ofan ultimate 36,000. it wasless than 1 percent signed up in that first month -- partly becausebuyinginsurance is a complicated process for a lot of people. when they have more choices, itmeans thatthey’re going to take more time.

there’s no doubt that we’ve lostsome time, but the website is getting better each week. bythe end of this month, it will befunctioning for the majority of people who are using it. they’llbe able to shop, see what theirchoices are. the prices are good. the prices are not changingduring the openenrollment period that goes out until march. and so i think that we’re going tohave time to catch up.

what’s also been e_pressed as aconcern is the mi_ of people that sign up. so we mightend up having millions of people sign up; they’re happy withtheir new coverage, but we’ve gotmore people who are older, more likely to getsick than younger and healthier. we’vegot tomonitor that carefully. we alwaysanticipated, though, that younger folks would be the last folksin, justbecause -- it’s been a while since you and i were young -- but as i recall, youdon’t thinkthat you’re going to get sick at that time.

so, look, i am confident that themodel that we’ve built, which works off of the e_istingprivate insurancesystem, is one that will succeed. we aregoing to have to, a, fi_ the website soeverybody feels confident aboutthat. we’re going to have to obviouslyre-market and re-brand,and that will be challenging in this politicalenvironment.

but keep in mind, in the firstmonth we also had 12 million people visit the site. thedemand is there. there are 41 million people who don’t havehealth insurance. the folks intheindividual market, many of them are going to get a much better deal in themarketplaces.and so we’ve just got tokeep on improving the customer e_perience and make sure that we’refending offefforts not to fi_ the problem -- because if somebody wants to help us fi_ it,i’m allgame, but fending off efforts to completely undermine it.

let me turn to the economy, the broadereconomy, probably the predominant concern ofpeople in this room. we seem to be stuck in an economic growthpattern of okay, but not greatgrowth. your friend, larry summers, was here earlier today and said essentiallythe problem orone of the problems is that the system can’t do two things atonce. it can’t cut deficits andspurgrowth. it needs to do one or the otherright now. it needs to spur growth,should not worryso much about deficits. do you agree? and if you doagree, how do you make that happen?

the president: actually, larry and i, and most of myeconomic team -- in fact, all of myeconomic team -- have consistentlymaintained that there is a way to reconcile the concernsabout debt anddeficits with the concerns about growth.

what we know is, is that ourfiscal problems are not short-term deficits. our discretionarybudget, that portion of the federal budget that isn’tdefense or social security or medicare ormedicaid, the entitlement programs,is at its smallest level in my lifetime, probably since dwighteisenhower. we are not lavishly spending on a whole bunchof social programs out there. andin many ways, a lot of these programs havebecome more efficient and pretty effective.

defense, we spent a lot from 2022to 2022, but generally we are stabilizing. and thepentagon, working with me, have come up with plans that allow usto meet our security needswhile still bringing down some of the costs ofdefense, particularly after having ended the war iniraq and on the brink ofending the war in afghanistan.

so when we talk about our deficitand debt problems, it is almost entirely health care costs.you eliminate the delta, the differencebetween what we spend on health care and what everyother country -- advancedindustrialized nation spends on health care, and that’s our long-termdebt. and if we’re able to bend the costcurve, we help solve the problem.

now, one way to do that is justto make health care cheaper overall. that’s i think the bestway to do it, and that’s what we’ve been doingthrough some of the measures in the affordablecare act. there are some other provisions that we couldtake that would maintain ourcommitment to seniors, medicare, social security,the disabled, and medicaid, while stillreducing very modestly the costs ofthose programs.

if we do those things, thatsolves our real fiscal problem, and we could take some of thatmoney, a verymodest portion on the front end, and invest in infrastructure that putspeopleback to work, improve our research and development.

so the idea would be do somethings in the short term that focus on growth; do some thingsin the long termthat deal with the long-term debt. that’swhat my budget reflects. that’s whatamultiple series of negotiations with john boehner talked about, the so-calledgrand bargain. wecouldn’t quite getthere in the end, mainly because republicans had a great deal of difficultywiththe idea of putting in more revenue to balance out some of the changesthat were made onentitlements.

i would guess a lot of people in this roomwould say another way to make some of thosethings happen would be to fi_ thecorporate ta_ code that everybody agrees is a mess. you’vegot some companies that pay way toomuch compared to their international competitors; somecompanies don’t pay atall. it’s not a good system. it’s not anefficient system, everybody agrees,but it doesn’t ever seem to change. can you make it change? and can you do something aboutrepatriationof u.s. assets overseas?

the president: well, here is the good news, is that both myadministration andrepublicans have talked about corporate ta_ reform. and paul ryan, who is going to becoming afterme, said he’s interested in corporate ta_ reform. and we’ve reached out to himand we’ve saidlet’s get to work. we put forward a veryspecific set of proposals that would lowerthe corporate ta_ rate, broaden thebase, close some loopholes. and in termsof internationalcompanies and competitiveness, what we’ve said is rather thana whole bunch of tangled lawsthat incentivize folks to keep money overseas,let’s have a modest but clear global minimumta_, get rid of some of the hugefluctuations that people e_perience. itwill save companiesmoney, make them more competitive and, in terms oftransitioning to that system, actuallyallow some people to bring back moneyand, in a one-time way, help us finance infrastructureand some other projectsthat need to get done.

i don’t e_pect republicans toadopt e_actly the proposal that we’ve put forward. butthere’s not that much separation betweenwhat democrats are talking about -- i know chairmanma_ baucus put outsomething today, the chairman of the finance committee -- what davecamp overin the house has talked about. thisshould be bridgeable.

the one thing i would caution is-- and i’ve said this to the business roundtable and othercorporate leaderswho i’ve talked to -- people like the idea of corporate ta_ reform intheory.in practice, if you want to makethe corporate ta_ reform deficit-neutral, then you actuallyhave to close someloopholes. and people like the idea of asimpler ta_ system until it’s theirparticular loophole that’s about to getclosed.

and what we can’t afford to do isto keep all the loopholes that are currently in place andlower the corporateta_ rate. we would then blow anotherhole in the deficit that would have tobe filled. and what i’m not willing to do is to havehigher rates on the middle class in order topay for that.

some of the ceos here had a working groupearlier today, the mission of which was toaddress the question of how do youstay competitive. interestingly, atleast to me, their firstpriority -- first priority -- was this: immigration reform. the u.s. needs immigration reformto retaintalented workers educated in the u.s. and attract talent to the u.s. immigrationreform could provide an instantjolt to the u.s. economy which we need.

i know you agree with thatstatement, but it’s hard to see that happening right now. you’vegot the senate off on one track -- it’spassed a comprehensive bill the house won’t even agreeto take up. democrats want to do comprehensivereform. republicans want to do step-by-stepreform. it’s a poisonous politicalatmosphere. can you make it happen?

the president: i am actually optimistic that we’re going toget this done. i am acongenitaloptimist. i would have to be -- i’m named barack obama and i ran forpresident. (laughter.)

and won.

the president: and won twice. (laughter.)

so, look, keep in mind, first ofall, that what the ceos here said is absolutely right. this isa boost to our economy. everywhere i go, i meet with entrepreneursand ceos who say, i’vegot these terrific folks, they just graduated fromcaltech or mit or stanford, they’re ready to dobusiness here, some of themhave these amazing new ideas that we think we can commercialize-- but they’rebeing dragged back to their home countries, not because they want to gobutbecause the immigration system doesn’t work.

the good news is that the senatebill was a bipartisan bill and we know what thecomponent parts of thisare. we’ve got to have strong bordersecurity. we’ve got to havebetterenforcement of e_isting laws. we’ve gotto make sure that we have a legal immigrationsystem that doesn’t cause peopleto sit in the queue for 5 years, 10 years, 15 years -- in somecases, 20years. we should want to immediately sayto young people who we’ve helped toeducate in this country, you want to stay,we want you here.

and we do have to deal with about11 million folks who are in this country, most of themjust seekingopportunity; they did break the law by coming here or overstaying their visa,andthey’ve got to earn their way out of the shadows -- pay a fine, learnenglish, get to the back ofthe line, pay their back ta_es -- but giving them amechanism whereby they can get right by oursociety. and that’s reflected in the senate bill.

now, i actually think that thereare a number of house republicans -- including paul ryan, ithink, if you askhim about it -- who agree with that. they’re suspicious of comprehensivebills, but if they want to chop thatthing up into five pieces, as long as all five pieces get done, idon’t carewhat it looks like as long as it’s actually delivering on those core valuesthat we talkabout.

but democrats have been pretty suspiciousthat all five pieces won’t get done.

the president: and that’s the problem. i mean, the key is -- what we don’t want todois simply carve out one piece of it -- let’s say agricultural jobs, which are important, but iseasier,frankly, or the high-skilled jobs that many in your audience here wouldimmediately wantto do -- but leave behind some of the tougher stuff that stillneeds to get done. we’re not goingtohave a situation in which 11 million people are still living in the shadows andpotentiallygetting deported on an ongoing basis.

so we’re going to have to do itall. in my conversations with therepublicans, i actually thinkthe divide is not that wide. so what we just have to do is find a pathwaywhere republicans inthe house, in particular, feel comfortable enough aboutprocess that they can go ahead andmeet us.

this, by the way, jerry, i thinkis a good e_ample of something that’s been striking meabout our politics for awhile. when you go to other countries, the political divisions are so muchmorestark and wider. here in america, thedifference between democrats and republicans, we’refighting inside the 40-yardline, maybe in --

you’ve fooled most people on that in thelast few months, i’d say. (laughter.)

the president: well, no, no. i would distinguish between the rhetoric and the tacticsversus theideological differences. i mean, in most countries you’ve got -- people call measocialist sometimes, but, no, you’ve got to meet real socialists.(laughter.) you’ll have a sense ofwhata socialist is. (laughter.)

i’m talking about lowering thecorporate ta_ rate. my health carereform is based on theprivate marketplace. the stock market is looking pretty good last time i checked. and it is truethat i’m concerned aboutgrowing inequality in our system, but nobody questions theefficacy of marketeconomies in terms of producing wealth and innovation and keepinguscompetitive.

on the flip side, mostrepublicans, even the tea party -- one of my favorite signs during thecampaignwas folks hoisting a sign, “government, keep your hands off my medicare.” (laughter.)think about that. (laughter.) i mean, ideologically, they did not like the idea of thefederalgovernment, and yet they felt very protective about the basic social safety netthat hadbeen structured.

so my simple point is this: if we can get beyond the tactical advantagesthat partiesperceive in painting folks as e_treme and trying to keep an eyealways on the ne_t election,and for a while at least, just focus on governing,then there is probably 70 percent overlap on awhole range of issues. a lot of republicans want to getinfrastructure done, just like i do. alot ofthem believe in basic research, just like i do. a lot of them want to reform entitlementstomake sure that they’re affordable for the ne_t generation; so do i. a lot of them say theywant to reform our ta_system; so do i.

there are going to be differenceson the details, and those details matter and i’ll fight veryhard forthem. but we shouldn’t think thatsomehow the reason we’ve got these problems isbecause our policy differencesare so great.

well, the details are obviously importantenough to shut down the government just a coupleof weeks ago. and everybody knows we’re headed back towardshowdowns again -- january,budget; february, debt ceiling. jack lew was here earlier, your treasurysecretary, and said hethought maybe the system crossed a threshold in octoberand has realized it doesn’t want to goback and do that again. are you confident it’s not going to go backand do that again? and bythe way, theoecd, the organization of economic cooperation and development, suggestedtodaythat the u.s. just get rid of the debt ceiling entirely. would you be in favor of that?

the president: i think that the way our system is set up islike a loaded gun, and oncepeople thought we can get leverage on policydisputes by threatening default, that was ane_traordinarily dangerousprecedent. and that’s a principle that ihad to adhere to, not just forme but for the ne_t president -- that you’re notgoing to be able to threaten the entire u.s. orworld economy simply becauseyou disagree with me about a health care bill.

i’d like to believe that therepublicans recognize that was not a good strategy, and we’reprobably betteroff with a system in which that threat is not there on a perpetual basis. i donot foresee what we saw in october beingrepeated in january. but the broaderpoint is one thati think all of us have to take to heart. we have to be able to disagree on policyissues withoutresorting to the kinds of e_treme tactics that end up hurtingall of us.

and that’s been my maindisagreement with a lot of my republican friends. and frankly, theamerican people agree withthat. they don’t e_pect us to march inlockstep. there’s a reasonwhy we’ve gottwo parties in this country. they doe_pect that we are constantly thinking abouthow are we making sure they canfind a job that pays well, that their kids can go to college andafford it,that we are growing and competitive, that we are dealing with our fiscalposition in asensible way. and if wekeep them in mind consistently, then i think we’re going to besuccessful.

one thing -- you’ve got someinternational ceos here, and i think they’ll confirm this --when i travel, what’sstriking to me is people around the world think we’ve got a really goodhand.you just take the e_ample of energy. they say america is poised to change ourgeopolitics entirely because ofthe advances we’ve made in oil production and natural gasproduction. it means manufacturing here is much moreattractive than it used to be. that’sahuge competitive advantage.

we’ve got the most productiveworkers just about in the world, and our workers havebecome more and moreproductive, and a lot of companies look at that and say we wish we hadworkerswho were able to operate the way these folks do.

our university systems, ourresearch infrastructure -- all those things are the envy of theworld. and one of the great things about america --sometimes we get worried that we’re losingtraction and the sky is falling, andback in the ‘80s, japan was about to take over, and thenchina, and obviouslybefore that, the soviet union -- and we usually come out okay because wechangeand we adapt. i just want everybody toremember that we’re in a very strong position tocompete as long as ourpolitical system functions. it doesn’thave to be outstanding. this issort oflike winston churchill, two cheers for democracy. and it’s always going to be messy. butit’s got to function better than it has.

i’m in the red zone on the clock here, butlet me -- i do want to ask a question aboutinternational affairs. you’ve mentioned the world and the u.s.position in it. there’s thepossibilitythis week of an agreement with iran, a preliminary, limited agreement in whichtheywould free some of their nuclear activities in return for some relief onsanctions. your israelifriends havebeen arguing, along with some of your friends as well as your foes in congress,thatif you give the iranian regime any relief on sanctions, the sanctionsregime will fall apart;countries that don’t want to be there in the firstplace will head for the e_its; it will all comeapart -- and that’s the dangerof what you’re negotiating right now.

i know you talked to somesenators about this very topic today. isthere going to be a deal?and why canyou ease sanctions without having them fall apart?

the president: well, just by way of background, when i cameinto office, we had a tradeembargo; the u.s. had done some thingsunilaterally. we did not have a strong,enforceableinternational mechanism to really put the squeeze on iran aroundits nuclear program, despitethe fact that it had violated a range of u.n. andnonproliferation treaty requirements.

so we built, we constructed, withthe help of congress, the strongest sanctions regimeever. and it has put a bite on the iranianeconomy. they have seen a 5 percentcontraction thelast year in their economy. it’s projected to be another contraction this year. and in partbecause the sanctions have beenso effective, we were able to get iran to seriously come to thetable and lookat how are they going to give assurances to the international communitythatthey are, in fact, not pursuing a nuclear weapons program.

i don’t know if we’ll be able toclose a deal this week or ne_t week. wehave been very firmwith the iranians even on the interim deal about what wee_pect. and some of the reportingoutthere has been somewhat inaccurate, understandably, because the p5-plus-1, themembersof the -- permanent members of the security council in addition to --and germany as well --have kept the negotiations fairly tight.

but the essence of the deal wouldbe that they would halt advances on their nuclearprogram; they would roll backsome elements that get them closer to what we call breakoutcapacity, wherethey can run for -- a weapon before the international community has a chancetoreact; that they would subject themselves to more vigorous inspections eventhan the onesthat are currently there, in some cases, daily inspections.

in return, what we would do wouldbe to open up the spigot a little bit for a very modestamount of relief thatis entirely subject to reinstatement if, in fact, they violated any part ofthisearly agreement. and it wouldpurchase a period of time -- let’s say, si_ months -- during whichwe could seeif they could get to the end state of a position where we, the israelis,theinternational community could say with confidence iran is not pursuing anuclear weapon.

now, part of the reason i haveconfidence that the sanctions don’t fall apart is because we’renot doinganything around the most powerful sanctions. the oil sanctions, the bankingsanctions, the financial servicessanctions -- those are the ones that have really taken a bigchunk out of theiranian economy. so oil production andoil sales out of iran have dropped bymore than half since these sanctions wereput in place. they’ve got over $100billion of oilrevenue that is sitting outside of their country. the rial, their currency, hasdroppedprecipitously. and all those sanctionsand the architecture for them don’t go anywhere.

essentially, what we do is weallow them to access a small portion of these assets that arefrozen. keep in mind, though, that because the oiland banking sanctions stay in place, they willactually still be losing moneyeven during this si_-month period relative to the amount of oilsales they hadback in 2022.

so what we are suggesting both tothe israelis, to members of congress here, to theinternational community, butalso to the iranians, is, let’s look, let’s test the proposition thatover thene_t si_ months we can resolve this in a diplomatic fashion, while maintainingtheessential sanctions architecture, and, as president of the united states,me maintaining alloptions to prevent them from getting nuclear weapons. i think that is a test that isworthconducting.

and my hope and e_pectation isnot that we’re going to solve all of this just this week inthis interim phase,but rather that we’re purchasing ourselves some time to see how serioustheiranian regime might be in re-entering membership in the world community andtakingthe yoke of these sanctions off the backs of their economy.

well, mr. president, with that, let me justthank you again for joining us. iappreciate it verymuch. (applause.)

the president: i enjoyed it. thank you very much. (applause)